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The Navadurga of Bhaktapur

The Navadurga Tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal: An Ethnographic Account

 

Abstract

The following paper is an ethnographic report that describes the Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal. All data collected was generated through qualitative research means relying mainly on the use of observations and interviews with the tradition’s practitioners and followers. I collected all the data used for the composition of this paper over the summer of 2014 in the months of June, July, and August. This paper will first provide a brief introduction to the geographical area of the study and the tradition itself. The paper will then proceed with a section discussing the collection of the information followed by a historical account of the tradition and finally the tradition as it is practiced today by discussing the tradition’s membership, activities, operations, and relations.

 Introduction

Nepal is a land locked county in South Asia bordered by India and China (specifically the region of Tibet). Nepal is a country rich in culture, language, landscape, history, and religion. Not only is Nepal home to the Himalayas and Mount Everest, but it is also the birthplace of the Buddha, and one of the only countries in South Asia (including Southeast Asia) to remain autonomous and free from colonial rule. Like India, Nepal’s most practiced religion is Hinduism, a complex religion that encompasses thousands of deities, thousands of ritual practices, and even competing and sometimes contradictory beliefs. The Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal is an excellent example of a Hindu tradition that is contradictory in some of its practices from that of mainstream Hinduism.

The Kathmandu Valley of Nepal is made up of three major cities, Kathmandu (the nation’s capital), Patan, and Bhaktapur. Kathmandu and Patan have both experienced rapid modernization and development that has caused the cities to loose some of their traditional customs, culture, architecture, and beliefs. Lying on the outskirts of the valley, Bhaktapur has managed to preserve and retain more of its traditional customs, culture, architecture, and beliefs than the other cities have. Bhaktapur’s population is mainly comprised of Newars, an ethnic group that accounts for less than ten percent of the country’s population, and is indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley and the areas surrounding it. A tradition important to the Newar community of the greater Kathmandu Valley, and specifically the citizens of Bhaktapur, is the Navadurga tradition.

Image of Durga above the entrance to the temple with flowers and feathers from the sacrificed chicken at Gathemangal ceremon
Image of Durga above the entrance to the temple with flowers and feathers from the sacrificed chicken at Gathemangal ceremon

The Navadurga is translated as the nine Durgas, referring to nine different forms of the great goddess Durga. To most of the Indian subcontinent Durga is the divine mother, presider over the seasons of life, death, and birth, the liberator of the oppressed and marginalized, and warrior.[1] She is often depicted with eight to eighteen arms, each of which yields a different weapon. Most Hindu deities wield specific items that allow for them to be easily identified. Durga, however, holds the weapons of other deities, including Śiva’s trident and Visnu’s discus, reinforcing her characteristics as a warrior and liberator. Durga’s power is representative of the feminine principle of the cosmos known as Shakti.[2] The goddess Durga is said to have as many forms as there are beings on the planet. Her many forms come in a variety of dispositions and include many female deities from the Hindu pantheon. Such goddesses include Laksmi the goddess of prosperity; Saraswatī the goddess of creativity; Lalita the goddess of light; Vajrayoginī the goddess of power; and Kālī the goddess of transformation and death.[3] Durga is not mentioned in the Vedic scriptures, Hinduism’s earliest literature. The Vedas speak of the goddesses Vac and Ratri, but neither of these goddesses is associated with battle or blood sacrifices, both of which are important aspects of Durga today.[4] Although the Vedas do not portray the wrathful manifestations of Durga some aspects of the Great Goddess are portrayed. The goddess Vac is believed to be an early representation of the goddess Saraswatī, who as previously mentioned is one representation of the Great Goddess. Durga is specifically mentioned in the Puranic literature, which emerged after the Vedas. The Puranas attempted to assume status as the fifth Veda, however it was unsuccessful and is now considered secondary Hindu literature.[5] The Devī Mahatmya arises out of the Markandeya Purana and provides a narrative of Durga’s victory of the buffalo demon Mahishasura. The Devī Mahatmya is the most integral piece of literature on the goddess Durga. Although Durga was not mentioned in the Vedas she has become an important Hindu figure across the Indian subcontinent.

The most widely celebrated festival in Banaras, Indias is for the goddess Durga is Navarātra (Nine Nights)[6] this festival is celebrated over nine nights, each night marked by a journey to one of the nine different Durga temples. More than fifty thousand Hindus participate in the festival each year.[7] The traditions of Bhaktapur differ significantly than the traditions in Banāras. A major distinction is that the festival for the Navadurga lasts for several months rather than nine nights. Another distinction is the use of iconography; in Banāras full images are created and displayed for worship, whereas the tradition in Bhaktapur uses masks that are worshipped when they are stationary and on display, in addition to when they are worn and move around. The use of masks in Durga traditions is a unique practice to Bhaktapur. Mask use, however, is not a unique practice. The Balinese employ the use of masks in various traditions and rituals, specifically when portraying the Ramāyana, a great Hindu epic.[8] The masks used by the Balinese are sacred heirlooms that are treated as gods; when they are not in use they are placed inside the temple next to the main images of the deities to be worshiped and given daily offerings.[9] There are several parallels between the mask use in Bali and Bhaktapur, mainly the reverence and homage paid to them and their ceremonial use. Differences between the use of masks is that the Balinese masks are heirlooms passed down to the next generation whereas the tradition in Bhaktapur begins each year by constructing new masks and ends by cremating them. Bhaktapur’s use of masks is a unique practice within Hinduism and is deeply established within Bhaktapur’s community.

Mahakali leaving the Navadurga temple on Sirja
Mahakali leaving the Navadurga temple on Sirja

Having introduced the region, topic of this study, and provided a brief contextual account of similar traditions this paper will now begin to present a full account of the Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur. It begins by explaining the methods used in the research to generate the information for this paper. This is followed by a historical account of the tradition’s origins, and then outlines the tradition as it is practiced today. Specific aspects of the tradition to be discussed include its membership, operations, activities, and relations.

Information Collection

The information gathered for this paper was mainly collected directly from Bhaktapur, Nepal over a three-month period (June, July, and August) in the summer of 2014. Visits were made to Bhaktapur on a weekly, or biweekly basis to conduct interviews or observe various aspects of the religion such as rituals or ceremonies, preparation for such activities, or the daily actions of the members of the Navadurga community. The following section will discuss and reflect on the methods utilized to gather the information in addition to my personal experiences in conducting the research.

Prior to arriving in Nepal preliminary research was conducted to familiarize myself with Durga, the Navadurga, the use of masks in Hinduism, and Bhaktapur. This was beneficial in building an initial base of knowledge that became useful when talking with members of the Navadurga community, observing the various activities, and conducting interviews. The research in the field would have benefitted had I done more preliminary research on a wider range of topics. This will be discussed at more length in the end of this section. Once in Nepal research was done directly with the locals through interviews and observations.

Interviews serve as the main source of information for this study. A total of twenty-two (22) individuals were interviewed. Of the twenty-two individuals interviewed seventeen belong to the Navadurga community and the remaining five are citizens of Bhaktapur. The five informants outside of the Navadurga community consisted of a one local historian, two tourist guides, and two individuals who pay homage to the Navadurga at their various festivals and ceremonies. The seventeen interviewed from within the Navadurga community consist of performers (both dancers and musicians), priests, community leaders known as Nayas, and various other individuals who participate in the tradition through some other capacity. All but two of the individuals have asked to remain anonymous. Of the twenty-two individuals interviewed only eight individuals will be frequently cited. That is because these eight individuals were able to give additional insight into the topic that the other individuals were either not able to share due to a lack of knowledge or because they were not comfortable sharing. Included in the eight individuals who will be frequently cited are the two individuals who did not ask to remain anonymous, leaving six individuals who will be provided with pseudonyms. Table 1 presents information regarding the individuals’ experiences and base of knowledge of those who have been assigned pseudonyms. Information that was widely agreed upon will not be cited in this paper.

Pseudonym Gender Age Range Extra Information
Bibek Banmala Male 25-35 Naya in training, learning from his father and the other Nayas
Yogendra Banmala Male 50-70 A senior Naya
Dipesh Banmala Male 25-35 A young Naya
Roshan Banmala* Male 20-25 Performed as Duma when a child, comes from a family line of temple priests
Rabindra Banmala Male 20-25 A performer
Keshab Banmala Male 35-50 Priest and performer

* note: Roshan was also a translator

Interviews were conducted with the use of a translator and were recorded using an audio recorder. The interviews were initially based of a basic questionnaire and then evolved along with the conversations as they progressed. Interviews were conducted with either one individual or in groups of two or three. Due to the nature of the topic being studied individuals were hesitant to answer some of the questions or felt as though they were not educated enough to answer properly. Those interviewed were very concerned that they might misrepresent something or share the wrong information, making conducting the interviews very difficult. In fact, a month into my research I found that the information I was collecting from the individuals not to be consistent. After some time I had realized that when I asked certain questions that pertained to information that the Navadurga community regards as sacred and secret they would fabricate their answers. This was a reoccurring theme in many of the interviews, so much so that I decided to start my research again having modified how I approach certain questions and the interviews in general. For this reason you will notice that there are rarely any citations from interviews held in June, except for the interviews held with the two individuals familiar with the interview process; these individuals are Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha (a historian) and Kedar Raj Upadhyay.

One adjustment made to the way interviews were conducted was a change in the translator I used. Originally I had hired a translator recommended to me from a colleague that was not familiar with Navadurga. I believe this had a detrimental effect on the work I was doing, as the translator knew less about the tradition than I had. Following the restart of the interviewing process I was introduced to a young individual named Roshan [pseud.], a son of one the Navadurga temple’s priests. Roshan had recently graduated from with bachelors of tourism, was proficient in English and was very knowledgeable on the Navadurga tradition. He was also eager to secure experience working with tourists (although I consistently claimed not to be a tourist). Hiring Roshan had a very positive impact on my research by opening new doors and creating a more comfortable and familiar environment for the interviewing process; all of the members of the Navadurga community either knew him or were related to him. Not only was Roshan excellent as a translator, but he also proved to be a very valuable informant himself. The more time I spent with Roshan the more inclusive the community became of me and the more I was able to learn.

 

Observing the community in action and witnessing specific events provided an excellent source for gaining new information as well as to confirm information received from informants. During my time there this summer I was able to observe the rituals and ceremonies of Sirja, Gathemangal, and Ganesh Chaturthi. I was also able to witness the preparations being made for Dashain and the daily puja performed at the temple, except for the puja done in the sacred room that I was not permitted to enter. I was also able to capture images from all of the events I attended, some of which will be shared in Appendix A.

 

Reflecting back on my experiences collecting information and researching in Bhaktapur I can think of modifications that would have benefitted the information collection process. First and foremost this research would have benefitted from more additional preliminary research. Having only taken one university course on Hinduism the knowledge I poses is basic at best. Had I been more familiar with topics such as Tantra, gender roles, puja, and Hinduism in general I would have been better able to pick up on certain aspects that I had otherwise missed. The most beneficial alteration made to my approach was using someone like Roshan, someone knowledgeable about the Navadurga, as my translator. While I was conducting research in Nepal I was also working an internship with a local environmental non-governmental organization. It was because of this position I was only able to visit Bhaktapur on a weekly or biweekly basis. Spending time with Roshan made connections grow faster and provided new opportunities that helped make the most out of the time I was able to spend in Bhaktapur. If I were to repeat a similar situation in the future I would hope to find an individual as resourceful as Roshan.

 

The largest hindrance to my research was certainly the internship. I lived and worked in Patan and had to take the local bus out to Bhaktapur, travel time would amount to somewhere between three to four hours each day I travelled. The next time I conduct field research I will certainly ensure that it is my only project and that I immerse myself in the environment of my study. I missed many opportunities because of my internship, whether having to miss an event for work or having to schedule interviews. Although a common practice in the West, setting up meeting times is not a frequent practice of the citizens of Bhaktapur. Often I would meet an individual and have a brief conversation with them to find out that they would make an excellent informant, however, I would be on my way somewhere so I would have to set a time to come back and talk with them. More often than not, the potential informants would not show up to the meeting place, or they would come along at a leisurely pace while I waited for the afternoon. Had I lived in Bhaktapur and was able to focus solely on this research I know it would have had yielded significant benefits.

 

The Origin of the Navadurga

Few people in Bhaktapur know the story of the origin of the Navadurga tradition. Having spoken with the locals many are familiar with the Navadurga, their processions through the streets of Bhaktapur, and their use of masks and dance. However, not many are acquainted with the story behind the tradition; except for the Navadurga community and citizens who have sought education on the topic. Robert I. Levy is the leading scholar on the city of Bhaktapur and provides an account of the origin story in his book Mesocosm. This section of the paper will present the story as told by Levy followed by key differences and distinctions made by informants from Bhaktapur. The following is a summary of the origin story as presented by Levy[10]:

 

The Navadurga inhabited the forest Jwala, which was located Northeast of Bhaktapur. As people passed by, the Navadurga would capture them, kill them, and then drink their blood as a sacrifice to themselves. One day the Navadurga captured a man by the name of Sunanda, who was a Ācāju (a priest of farmer origin).[11] Unlike most Ācāju, Sunanda was an expert in Tantric knowledge and mantras (a sacred utterance) and was able to bind the Navadurga, restricting their movement with the use of a mantra. Embarrassed, the Navadurga pleaded to Sunanda to forgive them, and in exchange they would not sacrifice him. Rather than releasing them, Sunanda shrunk them, placed them in his basket and brought them back to his home in Bhaktapur where they were placed in a chest and received periodical worship.

Time passed, the amount is unknown, until one-day Sunanda’s guru, Somarā Rājopādhyāya (a Brahmin) came for a visit. Somarā Rājopādhyāya had a deep and intricate understanding of Tantra and had conveyed to Sunanda that he had not been worshiping the Navadurga properly. Therefore, Somarā Rājopādhyāya took the chest containing the Nine Durgās back to his own house in the Palisāche neighborhood, where he hid them. Somarā Rājopādhyāya worshiped the Navadurga in secrecy using Tantric bidyā (secret arts) and made sacrifices to them. The Navadurga were forced to dance and tell stories using the movements of their hands. Sometime prior, the Navadurga had informed Sunanda and Somarā that should anyone else see them they would be released from the spell. This made Somarā Rājopādhyāya act very surreptitiously; he told his wife to never look into the room where the Navadurga were kept locked up. One day Somarā Rājopādhyāya had left the house and his wife peeked into the room and saw the Navadurgas dancing. The stories differ in what happened to Somarā’s wife; some say that the Navadurga killed her as a sacrificial offering, others say that she was simply severely scolded by her husband. Regardless, the Navadurga, now released from their Tantric binds, escaped from the Brahmin’s home.

 Upon their escape, the band of deities captured, sacrificed, and ate a pig at the place known as “Bha: Dwākhā.” Upon his arrival home, Somarā Rājopādhyāya was informed that the Navadurga have escaped. He immediately began pursuing them and with the beating of a small drum and the use of mantras he was able to freeze the Navadurga in their flight in the upper part of the city known as “Swaga Lwaha.” Somarā pleaded with the Navadurga to return to his house. However, this was not possible since the Navadurga had consumed a pig, making them ritually impure and thus impossible for them to reenter the Brahmin’s home. Since the Navadurga could not return to the Brahmin’s house they made the suggestion that a pyākha (dance drama) be arranged where the Navadurga would enter into the performers, allowing for the whole city to be able to see and worship them. Somarā established a god-house for the Navadurga and commissioned to the Gāthā community the authority and responsibility of performing each year as the Navadurga.

An alternative ending to the story is given where Somarā Rājopādhyāya instructed one of his students, an Ācāju to capture the Navadurga in a spell. After some difficulty the student was able to capture them, he then placed them into a god-house in the district of the city where the Gāthā reside. At the request of Somarā the Gāthā cared for the Navadurga and learned their dances. Somarā taught both the Ācāju and the Gāthā all the necessary Tantric procedures they would need. And thus, still following Somarā’s instructions, the Ācāju and the Gāthā still perform their duties for the Navadurga today.

 The origin story as told by Levy provides a very thorough overview; only a few distinctions need to be made. The alternate ending to the story is reflective of the Navadurga community’s (Gāthā) perspective, whereas the first ending is reflective of the Brahmin’s perspective, minus a point or two. An informant of mine, Kedar Raj Upadhyay, claims to be the descendent of Somarā, the Brahmin priest from the story. Kedar makes the key distinction that the reason the Brahmin had to pass on the tradition, that is the responsibility and the authority of the Navadurga practices, to the Gāthā, a low ranking caste, was a form of punishment for breaking the oath of secrecy.[12] Another key distinction made is that Somarā had two wives, one Brahmin wife and another low caste wife, and some believe that it was because the lower caste wife saw the Navadurga that the tantric bond was broken releasing the deities.[13] As mentioned previously, the alternate ending provides the account believed by the Navadurga community (also known as Gāthā). The only difference in the story believed by the Gāthās is an element of predestination. The Gāthās say that while Somarā taught the Ācāju a Gāthā brought a delivery of flowers to Somarā, this Gāthā happened to have as many sons as men were needed to carry out the tradition’s practices, providing an easy solution as to who should assume the responsibilities and leadership of the tradition.[14] The Ācāju, or priest, is now called Karmacharya, a role that will be elaborated upon later in this paper.

 

Some additional points can be made about the history of the tradition that is not included within the origin story. The Navadurga tradition began in the twelfth century of the Common Era under the Malla dynasty, who reigned over Nepal for six hundred years.[15] The Malla were followers of Shakti gods (female), because they believed that the gentleness of the male deities could not protect their nation, king, and countrymen, whereas the dangerous Tantric goddesses could protect all three.[16] Bhaktapur had temples built in cardinal points throughout the city for each of the Navadurga, replicating the Navadurga yantra thereby increasing the tantric power as a means to protect the city.[17] Figure 1 presents a drawing done by Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha of the layout of the Navadurga’s individual god houses with that of the Navadurga yantra. Each point on the periphery is a god-house as well as the point in the center. During the period of Malla rule over Nepal tantric practitioners knew that divinity could transfer itself into wood, stone, and

 

metal so they began running experiments to see if the divine could transfer into the human body.[18] These experiments happened in the twelfth century and were found to be very successful. It is from this point that the Navadurga tradition as it is known today began.[19] Furthermore, an interesting component of the Navadurga traditions is the use of pigs in sacrifice. Pig sacrifice is not a common practice in Hinduism, animals typically sacrificed include, sheep, goats, chickens, and buffalo. The central use of the pig in the tradition and from the origin story also began in the twelfth century. During that period the Muslim Turks established a powerful kingdom in northern India around Delhi and began to expand their control over the area. In an effort to preserve their culture and traditions the Newars of Bhaktapur adopted the use of pig sacrifice since the Muslims think poorly of pigs and avoid them.[20] The efforts made by the Newars of Bhaktapur successfully preserved the beliefs and traditions of the Malla dynasty so that they could still practiced today.

 

Sacrificed sheep head placed in the temple of Nasadyo on Ganesh Chaturthi
Sacrificed sheep head placed in the temple of Nasadyo on Ganesh Chaturthi

The Navadurga Today

The Navadurga tradition as practiced today is an intricate tradition that relies solely on the tradition’s keepers, who have been referred to as the Navadurga community throughout this paper, and from the local patrons who provide their support. The Navadurga festival is the longest festival in the area, spanning over nine months and including many specific rituals and ceremonies, and encompassing several other festivals. This section of the paper will present the tradition as it is found today, first by identifying the traditions membership, then its activities such as ceremonies, rituals, and preparations, in addition to its relations and operations.

 

Membership

The first group of membership to be elaborated upon will be that of the Navadurga themselves. The name Navadurga refers to the nine Durgas who are Mahālaksmī ,Mahākālī, Kumārī, Vārāhī, Brāhmanī, Bhadrakālī (also known as Vaisnavī), Indrānī, Maheśvarī, and Tripurasundarī. Each of these goddesses has a dyo-chen (god house) located in a specific area in the city of Bhaktapur that together form the shape of the Navadurga yantra (figure 1). Of these goddesses Mahālaksmī is the paramount deity; she draws power from Taleju and gives it to the Navadurga. Mahālaksmī does not have a mask; instead she is represented as a silver repoussé that is carried in the lead of the Navadurga processions to showcase her superior position. The Navadurga tradition involves an additional six deities who are Bhairav, Sweto Bhairav, Śiva, Ganesh, Sima and Duma. Bhairav is the leader of the Navadurga and assumes that role in the performances. Sima (tigeress) and Duma (lioness) are the protectors of the Navadurga and accompany them everywhere. All of the deities aforementioned are represented in the Navadurga tradition in some fashion. There are thirteen masks who represent all but Mahālaksmī and Tripurasundarī. As mentioned previously Mahālaksmī is represented in a silver repoussé that is carried in front of the processions. Tripurasundarī’s representation is disagreed upon. Some informants say that Tripurasundarī is represented in the three musical instruments played, while others insist that she is represented by the Kolachen (human skull cap used a cup).

Kumari during Sirja
Kumari during Sirja

 

As mentioned earlier there is a specific community who acts as the sole authority and keeper of the Navadurga tradition. This community prefers to be called Banmala. Other names used for them include Gāthā, as used by Levy, and Gunkā. These names provided are the surnames used by the community. While a majority of them identify themselves as Banmala, you may also find some of the other variations, dependent upon how the individual’s forefathers decided to identify themselves.[21] The Banmala are a low caste group that traditionally farmed and sold flowers to the greater community. Today some still occupy this traditional role, however others have began to farm other crops such as rice and barley. The Banmalas are the tradition’s keepers; they alone fulfill the requirements of the tradition as well as occupy an overwhelming majority of the positions in the tradition. Other individuals or communities assist and will be elaborated upon shortly. The Banmalas provide all of the performers, known as Gana, for the tradition. The Gana includes twelve dancers and three musicians. In addition to the Gana, the Banmala also occupy the roles of temple priests (additional priests from other communities come to perform specific rituals), temple caretaker (known as the Nakin, also to be elaborated upon shortly), the tradition’s leaders (the Naya), as well all other roles needed to upkeep the tradition. The roles of Gana, Naya, and Nakin are restricted to Banmalas only. Should a Banmala marry someone from outside of their community both they and their offspring will not be allowed to assume a position within the Navadurga tradition.[22] As previously mentioned there are other groups or individuals from outside of the Banmala who assist in the tradition. Table 2 presents the various other groups or individuals who assist along with their respective role. These groups either assist as a whole or there is a specific individual from the group that is responsible for completing the tasks (those who are individuals are marked with an asterisk). Some of the groups fill very minor roles, specifically the Shakya, who interestingly enough are the highest caste in the Newar community but assume the least important role within the tradition. This is an interesting contradiction to mainstream Hinduism. The Shakyas are the highest caste in the Newar community, however, they assume a very minor role in the city’s dominant tradition. All of these roles listed in Table 2, regardless of how small they may seem, are important aspects of the tradition.

 

Name

Role
Chitraker* Artisan who creates the masks each year. This role is passed down from generation to generation
Prajapati The clay workers who provide the clay for the masks
Karmacharya* Sacred priest of the Navadurga who performs specific rituals. Such rituals include the puja at Ganesh Chaturthi and Dashain
Chaturthi * Also performs rituals and puja, such as the cremation of the masks
Ranjitkar Colour the sacred thread
Manndhar Musicians who perform at some events. Different from the musician members of the Gana
Joshi Newar priests who perform special puja
Sahi Kill the buffalo during Dashain
Shakya Repair damaged jewelry

* Note: the names marked refer to a specific individual from their respective community.

The involvement of the Banmala in the tradition can be broken down into four positions or roles. There are the Gana (fifteen individuals), the Naya (eight individuals), the Nakin (one individual), and periodical roles of assistance (number of individuals varies dependent upon the event). The periodic roles are filled according to availability and vary in their responsibilities. These positions are not dictated in the same fashion as the other roles of the Naya, Nakin, and the Gana. The Gana is made up of twelve dancers and three musicians. The musicians are responsible for playing the traditional instruments known as the khin (a large drum played on both sides), ta (small cymbals), and kya (large cymbals). The remaining twelve

The khin, ta, and kya (in order from left to right)
The khin, ta, and kya (in order from left to right)

members of the Gana are performers who dance and wear the masks throughout the festival. These twelve members wear the masks of Bhairav, Mahākālī, Vārāhī, Kumārī, Bhadrakālī, Brāhminī, Indrānī, Sweto Bhairav, Maheśvarī, Ganesh, Sima and Duma. Young Banmalas between the ages of five to twelve wear the masks of Sima and Duma.[23] The Gana occupy their roles on a yearly basis, although they may be chosen to perform back to back in either the same position or another one; the rotation cycle comes from a sacred book that will be discussed later in this section. Gana members have to follow specific rules while in their position; such rules include not sharing food from the plates of others except for from fellow Gana. They can not wear their costume or ornaments outside of the specified performance areas, they must always act in a respectful manner; they are restricted to only one meal on performance days, they must be barefoot whenever they are in their ceremonial costume, and finally they may not participate in funeral rights during performance or ritual periods.[24] When the Gana are learning their roles during the off months of the Navadurga tradition they are restricted from coming in contact with women, and must visit their respected god’s/goddess’ dyo-chen (god house) everyday to worship and pray.[25] The Gana positions are restricted to men only. The only position occupied by a woman is the role of Nakin.

The Nakin pouring water so the Gana may cleanse/purify themselves
The Nakin pouring water so the Gana may cleanse/purify themselves

The Nakin is a specific role that takes care of the Navadurga temple and performs the daily puja.[26] The daily puja is known as Nitya puja and the Nakin performs it twice a day, once after sunset and again before sunrise.[27] The Nakin position operates an annual cycle, each year a new woman will assume the position. The Nakin must live on the temple grounds and act as a guard to protect the images, keep the temple clean, perform daily puja, and take on additional responsibilities during various ceremonies and rituals. [28] Such responsibilities include purifying the Gana before performances and preparing for feasts that are held at the temple. The Nakin must be married. If she is widowed during her time as Nakin she will be replaced. The Nakin has more specific responsibilities over the course of the year than any other member of the Navadurga tradition.[29] The Nakin’s role is another contradiction to mainstream Hinduism. Women are typically not the caretakers of temples as they are not able to become as ritual pure as their male cohorts.

The Naya are the leaders of the tradition. There are eight Nayas in total who work collectively as the managers of the tradition. [30] The Naya are experts and knowledgeable about all aspects and roles of the tradition. They ensure that the temple has all of the supplies it needs to perform all of their required rituals, events, and ceremonies of the tradition as well as care for the ornaments and clothes and manage all of the performances. Such supplies include oil, food, animals for sacrifice, and all essential items for offerings.[31] The role of Naya is a family position that is passed from father to son. If a Naya does not have a son he will instruct his oldest nephew from among his own siblings.[32] It is unknown how the linage of the Nayas was chosen. Like the other positions, the role of Naya operates on an annual cycle; the number of Nayas who are active in their position changes each year.[33] Also like other positions, the Nayas selected each year is predetermined in a book that is kept secret. The Nayas are the sole caretakers of the unnamed book that provides some sort of mechanism for selecting the people who will fill the various roles of the tradition each year. The name and origin of the book are kept secret; interestingly though they are comfortable revealing its existence.

The Tradition’s Activities

The Navadurga tradition is unique in its use of masks, its mobility, and in its social roles. While wearing the masks, it is believed that the gods who are represented come to manifest themselves in the humans. This instance is an excellent example of an aspect of the Navadurga tradition that contradicts mainstream Hinduism. While wearing the masks the Banmala, a low ranking social group, becomes regarded as divine and assumes a position on the top of the social hierarchy. While wearing the masks the Banmala are believed to transcend the normal social order as well as normal human capabilities. During this time the beings are able to do things not normally done by humans, such as drinking liters of alcohol and eating hundreds of eggs.[34] While wearing the masks the Gana also drink blood from sacrificed animals. Most sacrifices to the Navadurga are pigs, however, buffalo, goat, sheep, chicken, and ducks are also sacrificed.[35] The concept of sacrifice and blood offerings can be found in the tradition’s origin story in addition to being a common practice in Durga worship. Of the Navadurga, Bhairav is the member mainly responsible for conducting the sacrifices. Some instances require Mahakālī to perform the sacrifice, and if neither Bhairav nor Mahakālī are able to perform the sacrifice than Varahi is responsible for it. This order is reflective of the order of importance of the deities and is also reflected in the order of dance performances. The Gana perform their dances in the following order: Bhairav, Mahakālī, Vārāhī, Badrakālī, Kumārī, Maheśvarī, Brāhmanī, Ganesh, Indrānī, Sima, Duma, and finally Sweto Bhairav.[36] The Navadurga tradition follows an annual cyclical pattern that begins with Gathemangal.

Dance performance during Ganesh Chaturthi
Dance performance during Ganesh Chaturthi

Gathemangal is a Newar festival that is dedicated to cleansing away demons. Constructing figures built from straw, to represent the demons, and then burning them removes the demons. The festival is marked with loud music and processions of people carrying torches through the streets to light the straw built demons at each cross-road. For the Banmalas this day marks the beginning of the new Navadurga cycle. Every year new masks are made at the beginning of the Navadurga cycle and then cremated at the end. When the masks are cremated the city of Bhaktapur believes that the Navadurga has left their city to go into the countryside to ensure that the agricultural cycle begins.[37] During this time while the Navadurga are away the city becomes occupied with demons. On Gathemangal the Prajapati provide the Banmala with the clay that is used to build the masks.[38] In turn the Banmala take this clay to the Chitraker’s home to be worshiped as Śiva and sacrifice a chicken as an offering.[39] This marks the beginning of the construction of the new masks and the return of the Navadurga to Bhaktapur, which is why the city is being cleansed from demons. The masks need to be completed by Dashain, which is less than two months away. Gathemangal happens in accordance with the lunar calendar and marks the start of a rigorous training period for the Gana.[40] During this training period the Gana have to adhere to the rules listed above under membership and must perform puja at their respective god’s house each day.[41]

Image A - The Karmacharya and one of the Naya performing a ritual before the performance during Ganesh Chaturthi
The Karmacharya and one of the Naya performing a ritual before the performance during Ganesh Chaturthi

The next annual event is Ganesh Chaturthi, a festival dedicated to Ganesh. The Navadurga have their own event that coincides with this festival. At this time the Gana make a procession from the Navadurga temple to the Nasadyo temple where the Karmacharya will perform the ritual and sacrifice a sheep. Nasadyo is a tantric god of wisdom and knowledge that is worshiped by the Gana everyday from the period of Gathemangal to Dashain so that they may be granted the knowledge necessary to perform their roles.[42] Following the sacrifice of the sheep all Gana members eat a piece of the raw flesh combined with beaten rice. The Gana who performs as Brāhmanī takes a piece of the sacrificed sheep to the Brāhmanī temple to performs a specific puja ritual. After these rites have been completed all of the Gana members return to the Navadurga temple where a feast is being prepared. The sacrificed sheep is butchered and cooked for the feast and the sheep’s hide is removed, stretched, and framed and placed in the sun to dry. The temple will use the sheep hide for some task, such as to repair a damaged drum.[43] Following the feast the Gana perform their first dance of the season. This is the only dance that the Gana perform in public that they do not use their masks for, since the masks have not yet been completed. These dances are not expected to be perfect, since it is some Gana’s very first public performance. Each performer will perform an independent dance, except for Indrānī, Sima, and Duma who all perform together. Following these dances a group number is performed in honour of Ganesh, with the Ganesh Gana in the center.[44]

The next event in the annual cycle is Dashain, the largest Durga festival. By this time the Chitraker will have completed the masks and they are placed on display on the ninth day of Dashain where the citizens of Bhaktapur come to give them offerings and puja.[45]Offerings typically consist of egg, fish, meat, wine, and set Newar food dishes (beaten rice, dal, and spicy potatoes).[46] Before the masks are displayed they are taken to the Taleju temple in the palace compound (Durbar Square) of Bhaktapur where they receive initiation rituals.[47] These rituals are unknown as the members of the Banmala would not share this information; they did however say that the masks received similar initiation rituals as Hindu people. Following their initiation the masks are then regarded as divine and set out to be worshipped by the public.[48] On the tenth day of Dashain Brāhmanī is worshiped in the morning and then a buffalo is sacrificed at the Brāhmanī temple.[49] Following the sacrifice the Navadurga make a procession towards the Taleju temple in Durbar Square. Prior to making the procession the Karmacharya hands each performer their masks, symbolic of the Karmacharya’s, or Ācāju’s, role in capturing and placing the Navadurga into the care of the Banmala.[50] The Taleju image is removed from the temple and placed at the front gate to greet the Navadurga.[51] Having greeted the Navadurga the Taleju image is then taken on procession with them throughout Bhaktapur; this is the only time that the Taleju image is removed from the temple.[52]

Following Dashain the Navadurga Gana journey around the Kathmandu Valley where they perform specific rituals in each community they pass through in addition to being commissioned by patrons to come perform private rituals.[53] The Navadurga travel to the following destinations:

Bhaktapur District: Suryamadhi, Dattatraya, Kwathandu, Gacchen, Golmadhi, Taumadhi, Barahisthan, Yacchen, Talako, Itachhen, Durbar Square, Khauma, Changu Narayan, Sanga, and Thimi.

Kathmandu District: Deupata (Pashupati Nath), Tokha, Gokarna, Hadiguan (every twelve years), and Sakhu.

Kavre District: Nala, Banepa, Dhulikhel, Panauti, and Shreekhandapur.

The Navadurga are prohibited from using vehicles. Instead they walk everywhere; they go with bare feet. It is believed that they cleanse the areas they walk through from disease, which is why they must walk everywhere.[54]

After visiting the surrounding areas and performing their rituals at each one the Navadurga season begins to come to an end. Sirja and De-chā-mukego, the last supper and last ceremony, mark the conclusion of the Navadurga season. The De-chā-mukego is the final procession of the Navadurga through Bhaktapur that ends at the Taleju temple.[55] Within the temple compound the Navadurga have their last supper (Sirja) and then return to each of their own respective god house.[56] The next day the masks are cremated at the Brāhmanī temple funeral pyres. The cremation marks the end of the annual Navadurga cycle and it is believed that the goddesses have left Bhaktapur to attend to the fields, crops, and farmers.[57] After the Navadurga have left the city compound a sacred room in the Navadurga temple is sealed off until the Navadurga return, in the next two to three months.[58] After this point the Banmala community begins to train the new Gana and prepare for the next annual cycle.

Relations Between the Locals and the Navadurga

The Navadurga of Bhaktapur are the city’s protectors from violence, disasters, disease, and illness in addition to ensuring agricultural prosperity.[59] The Navadurga dance is a symbolic representation of the struggles, responsibilities, and discipline of the society in which it is based. A common belief in Bhaktapur is that the ringing sounds of the music played by the Navadurga Gana not only give the rhythmic signals to the dancers but also removes all obstacles caused by evil beings.[60] It is for this reason that the Navadurga perform in so many communal areas throughout the Kathmandu Valley. The local people not only believe that the Navadurga remove obstacles and illness, but also that they answer wishes and provide blessings for those who worship them and give them offerings.[61] Those who give the Navadurga money receive Prasad, a gift, in the form of flowers, plants, sacred thread, or food. The sacred thread is tied around the wrist and/or the neck using a specific knot according to tantric beliefs to grant the individual purity in their life.[62] One informant’s grandmother stated that the Navadurga also assist in the digestive system. She recommended that you be careful about what and how much you eat during the months when the Navadurga have left the city. The relationship with the Navadurga and the local populations is of reciprocal nature. While the locals rely on the Navadurga for protection and as removers of obstacles and illnesses, the Navadurga rely on the locals for financial, social, and physical support. The local community donates the clothes worn by the Gana and the Gana must keep and use these clothes until new ones are donated.[63] It is believed that the clothes hold Shakti power which would be lost if the clothes were washed, therefore the clothes remain unwashed and unchanged until the community provides new ones. It is typical for the outfits to be worn for years before they are replaced.[64] While the Navadurga protects the locals they in turn are also in need of protection. Although the Navadurga are gods, they posses the bodies of humans during the Navadurga rituals and become vulnerable. On several instances the Navadurga Gana have been attacked or stolen from while wearing the masks, resulting in broken bones, lost artifacts, and offended deities.[65] The Navadurga rely on the local people and authorities to ensure that the spaces they occupy for their rituals remain safe and sacred.[66] The Navadurga tradition as operated by the Banmala relies heavily on the local community for financial support in order to maintain the traditions as it is practiced today.

Challenges Experienced

The Navadurga tradition relies heavily on its patrons for financial support. The tradition costs approximately 900,000 NRS (Nepali Rupees) per year, without accounting for inflation, which is equal to $10, 537.41 CAD (at an exchange rate of $1 CAD to 85.41 NRS).[67] While this amount seems small from a western perspective, it is a large sum for the people of Nepal. Most of the community members are labourers and a labourer’s salary may range from $80-$250 CAD per month. This total covers the maintenance of the temple, the daily necessities (such as oil for the lamps), the supplies for specific rituals, and animals for sacrifice.[68] The Navadurga make a small earning by renting a few small pieces of property either for farming or in the city to be used for small storage spaces or stores.[69] The remainder amount of the costs is collected throughout the Navadurga festivals from either privately commissioned rituals or from the crowds of people at Navadurga ceremonies and events. The members of the Navadurga tradition do not receive any monetary compensation for their roles.[70] This places a huge strain on the members of the tradition since the various roles last for a whole year when one includes training periods. Members are permitted to work when they are not training or performing. However, the type of work they can do is limited due to the demanding schedule of the tradition and the odd hours it requires. These strains cause a lot of Banmala to remove themselves from the tradition and focus on earning a living and providing for their families.[71] Modernization and westernization are challenges and obstacles faced by the Navadurga tradition. In years past the tradition had the patronage of the royal family, which secured the tradition and brought with it ample support. However, today the government of Nepal does not provide any subsidies or support for religious traditions.[72] Modernization also has effects on the individual and collective values. In past periods the sacred was closely aligned with people’s values, and the positions in the Navadurga tradition would have carried prestigious value. However, today values are beginning to be reflective of the western practice of materialism, which lures the Banmala towards jobs, and positions that do not allow for them to commit the time necessary for being an active member of the tradition.

Conclusion

This paper has presented a report of the Navadurga, a Hindu tradition from Bhaktapur, Nepal. The Navadurga employ interesting and unique practices not present in other traditions. Such practices include mobile deities, the use of masks, an integral female position, and a unique inversion of social roles. It is interesting how interdependent the Navadurga and Newar community of the Kathmandu Valley are. The Navadurga are just as much reliant on the community as the community relies on them. The Banmala have managed to preserve the ancient Navadurga practices due to their rigorous dedication. Although they face many strains I am hopeful that the tradition will remain for many more generations in to the future.

I would like to thank the University of Lethbridge for providing me with the opportunity to travel to Nepal and experience this amazing tradition. I have learned and grown from this experience in countless ways and know that this growth will benefit me in my future endeavors. I would also like to thank my Professor Dr. Hillary Rodrigues for believing in my capabilities and helping me make this all possible. Finally I owe a lot of gratitude to the Banmala for allowing me to conduct this research and for welcoming me into their community and sharing their stories with me. I will cherish the memories built throughout this experience for the rest of my life. Thank you.

End Notes

[1] Laura Amazzone, Goddess Durgā and Sacred Female Power (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, 2010), 3.

[2] Amazzone, Durgā and Sacred Female, 4.

[3] Ibid., 4.

[4] Nilima Chitgopekar, The Book of Durga (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2003), 59.

[5] Chitgopekar, Boof of Durga, 63.

[6] Hillary Rodrigues, “Divine Times: Goddess worship in Banāras,” in Studying Hinduism in Practice, ed Hillary P Rodrigues (New York: Routledge, 2011), 131.

[7] Rodrigues, Divine Times, 133.

[8] Hildred Geertz, The Life of a Balinese Temple (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press. 2004), 57.

[9] Geertz, Balinese, 56.

[10] Robert I. Levy, Mesocosm (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 503-505.

[11] Niels Gutschow, “The Astamātrkā and Navadurgā of Bhaktapur.” In Wild Goddesses in India and Nepal, ed. Axel Michaels, Cornelia Vogelsanger, and Annette Wilke (Berlin: Peter Lang, 1994) 194.

[12] Kedar Raj Upadhyay (Brahmin priest, descendant of Somarā), in discussion with the author, June 18, 2014.

[13] Dipesh Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 6, 2014.

[14] Bibek Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 16, 2014.

[15] Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha (a historian), in discussion with the author, June 11, 2014.

[16] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[17] Information from multiple sources

[18] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Bibek Banmala [pseud.], July 16, 2014.

[22] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], July 29, 2014.

[23] During my time in Bhaktapur these roles were played by the youngest boys anyone could remember, they were aged five and seven.

[24] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[25] Ibid., July 29, 2014.

[26] Kedar Raj Upadhyay, July 27, 2014.

[27] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 8, 2014.

[28] Ibid., July 9, 2014.

[29] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 9, 2014.

[30] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 15, 2014.

[31] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], July 15, 2014.

[32] Yogendra Banmala, July 15, 2014.

[33] Dipesh Banmala [pseud.], July 6, 2014.

[34] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[35] Kedar Raj Upadhyay, June 18, 2014.

[36] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[37] Consensus from multiple informants.

[38] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], July 27, 2014.

[41] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[42] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], August 6, 2014.

[43] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], August 9, 2014.

[44] Rabindra Banmala [pseud.], August 2, 2014.

[45] Kedar Raj Upadhyay, June 18, 2014.

[46] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[47] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[48] Dr. Shrestha, June 11, 2014.

[49] Kedar Raj Upadhyay, June 18, 2014.

[50] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[51] Kedar Raj Upadhyay, June 18, 2014.

[52] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[53] Dipesh Banmala [pseud.], July 6, 2014.

[54] Rabindra Banmala [pseud.], August 2, 2014.

[55] Dr. Shrestha, June 18, 2014.

[56] Ibid.

[57] Keshab Banmala, August 6, 2014.

[58] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], July 27, 2014.

[59] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], July 27, 2014.

[60] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], August 29, 2014.

[61] Dipesh Banmala [pseud.], July 6, 2014.

[62] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], August 6, 2014.

[63] Bibek Banmala [pseud.], July 16. 2014.

[64] Ibid.

[65] Rabindra Banmala [pseud.], August 2, 2014.

[66] Ibid.

[67] Bibek Banmala [pseud.], July 16, 2014.

[68] Yogendra Banmala [pseud.], July 15, 2014.

[69] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], July 9, 2014.

[70] Roshan Banmala [pseud.], July 29, 2014.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Keshab Banmala [pseud.], July 9, 2014.

Bibliography

Amazzone, Laura. Goddess Durgā and Sacred Female Power. Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, 2010.

Chitgopekar, Nilima. The Book of Durga. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2003.

Geertz, Hildred. The Life of a Balinese Temple. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.

Gutschow, Niels. “The Astamātrkā and Navadurgā of Bhaktapur.” In Wild Goddesses in India and Nepal, edited by Axel Michaels, Cornelia Vogelsanger, and Annette Wilke, 191-216. Vol. 2. Berlin: Peter Lang, 1994.

Levy, Robert I. Mesocosm. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

Rodrigues, Hillary P. “Divine Times: Goddess worship in Banāras.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice, edited by Hillary P. Rodrigues, 131-45. New York: Routledge, 2011.

[Article written by: Brandon McNally (December 2010) who is solely responsible for its written content and pictures.]

The Hoysala Dynasty

The Hoysala dynasty ruled in southern India from the 11th to 14th Century and were located in southern India in the southern part of Karnataka (Kulke et. al. 113).  The Hoysalas are believed to have come from a hilly region in this area.   Their empire reached its peak of power early on and slowly declined until it’s eventually disappearance into history leaving only temples that were constructed under their reign.

The Hoysala begin as a vassal state of a larger kingdom called the Calukya.  They eventually gained their own independence through military might.  They had a relatively fast rise to power because the area was politically unstable.  This was because none of the kingdoms had any huge advantage over the other, creating a balance of power that could easily shift back and forth (Kulke et. al. 114).  This lead to a situation where a great deal of small kingdoms didn’t last for long periods of time intermingled with a few large ones that would assimilate the smaller kingdoms.  Nrpakama was the first of the Hoysala kings with his capital in Sosavur (Yaguchi 184).  Nrpakama’s capital was located in an area that is believed to be where the Hoysala dynasty originated.  The Hoysala kingdom was located between two large powers at the time, the Calukya and the Cola.  The area that became the Hoysala kingdom had been a buffer area between these two large kingdoms in the past (Foekema 13). This made it so the Hoysala had to choose sides and became a feudatory of the Calukya (Foekema 14).  The Calukya allowed the Hoysala to grow over time allowing them to become a medium sized kingdom creating the Calukyas own demise.  There is little certainty as to when Nrpakama took the throne or when he passed it on to his son Vinayadita.  This uncertainty can be attributed to their relative size and how unimportant they were during this time.  They are only vaguely mentioned in an epigraph with no specifics.  Vinayadita succeeded at expanding his power very successfully during his reign and moved the capital to Dorasamudra (Ramanathan 326).  The Hoysala were very prosperous under the Calukya, but knew that this prosperity could not continue with their desire to expand.  The Calukya would not give them free reign forever and allow a potential enemy to develop.  The Hoysala were always just a buffer state to help protect the Calukya from the Cola kingdom in the south.

Exquisite and profuse sculptures adorn the Hoysalesvara Temple at Halebidu in Karnataka
Exquisite and profuse sculptures adorn the Hoysalesvara Temple at Halebidu in Karnataka

Ballala I was the first to not continue his loyalty to the Calukya emperor instead building up military power (Yaguchi 184).  This occurred largely because the Calukya became engaged with the Cola dynasty and kingdoms to the north of them.  This made it so the Calukya Kingdom was unable to respond to the Hoysala’s rebellion.  The Hoysala Dynasty had reached a point where it was large enough to fend for itself in this war torn area.  In 1106 AD, Ballala I began to rule in his own name instead of the Calukya emperor (Rice 528).   Ballala I however died and was succeeded by his younger brother, Visnuvardhana in 1108 BCE, who continued with his brother’s cause of expanding the Hoysala kingdom (Yaguchi 184).  It took Visnuvardhana 25 years, but by that time he had taken suzerainty of the Calukya emperor and created a new capital (Yaguchi 184).  The Calukya became embroiled in a series of wars with neighbouring kingdoms giving the Hoysala kingdom the chance it needed (Yaguchi 184).  To attain Hoysala independence a series of brutal wars were fought in which the Hoysala had become renowned for their ferocity (Foekema 14).   Most of the territory of the Calukya was eventually taken by another kingdom, but Hoysala secured its independence.  Visnuvardhana crushed the Cola forces taking claim over some of their lands that were bordering his kingdom.  The Hoysala’s, at this point, destroyed their two largest enemies, making them the dominant power in their area for the time.

Visnuvardhana became increasingly interested in construction projects throughout his empire, creating edifices for Visnu after he had converted Vaisnavism of the Srivaisnava sect (Yaguchi 184).  This construction continued under his son Narasimha I, the next king  in the Hoysala dynasty. Since he focused so heavily on construction Narasimha I lost territory in the northern area of his kingdom (Yaguchi 184).  Ballala II was the next in line, taking the throne in 1173 AD, pushing the Hoysala dynasty to the height of its powers (Yaguchi 184).  He gained a great deal of territory especially in the southern Tamil region.

Narasimha II took the throne in 1220 AD from his father Ballala II.  He became more involved in the Tamil region because of his marriage to a Cola princess (Yaguchi 184).  The Hoysala reached its pinnacle during his rule, even assimilating what was left of the Cola kingdom.  He managed to gain the Cola kingdom while losing territory in the north caused by a rebellion of a vassal state that even attacked his capital.  After this point the Holysala dynasty began its decline until its eventual disappearance into history.

The Hoysala’s power began a steep of decline when it was difficult for one king to rule their kingdom effectively.  A second capital was created in the Tamil region and the capitals were ruled by two step brothers, Narasimha III and Ramanatha.  The brothers had conflicting interests and began to fight amongst themselves.  This allowed outside forces to attack the Hoysala with less fear of a unified response.  Eventually the Hoysala kingdom was repeatedly invaded by foreign forces. These invasions continued the decline of the Hoysala kingdom.  This began with the Seunas, a kingdom from the North of the Hoysala invading Narasimha III territory several times (Yaguchi 184).  It was eventually realized that if the Hoysala were to survive they would have to unite again and become a unified kingdom.

The kingdom was eventually reintegrated under Ballala III, but it was too little too late.  This new unity came as the Muslim empire pushed south trying to convert people to Islam and take control of their land.  The Muslims originally only wanted tribute, but that didn’t last as they tried to achieve political control.  Ballala III realized that there was no chance of defeating the Islamic empire due to their sheer size.  Kingdoms that were larger than his own were wiped out by the huge Muslim forces.  Ballala III chose instead to accept Muslim lordship in order to survive (Foekema 16).  The Hoysala continued to prosper under the Muslims, but that didn’t last because of their desire to be free of the Islamic rule.  The Hoysala rulers knew that if they were to stay under Muslim rule there would be huge changes to their culture and religious beliefs.  The Hoysala participated in a revolt in southern India against the Muslims.  Ballala III died during the fighting and his territory became part of a Hindu kingdom that encompasses south India.  Their land was swallowed up by a growing Hindu kingdom concerned about protecting their religious beliefs.   Ballala III’s son Ballala IV was not given an opportunity to rule the Hoysala kingdom, putting an end to two hundred years of Hoysala rule (Foekema 16).  The Hindus managed to fend off the Muslims creating for the first time, a large Hindu kingdom in the south called the Vijayanagara Empire (Foekema 16).  Ballala IV’s kingdom became a part of this empire to help ensure that the Hoysala were not ruled again by the Islamic empire.  This was the end of the Hoysala dynasty and the beginning of the Vijayanagara kingdom.

The Hoysala developed a political system with governances similar to modern systems (Pollock 263).  The Hoysala centralized their power unifying their emperor at a time when tribal alliances were the only thing holding many nearby kingdoms together.  A great deal of their success comes from their ferocity in battle which is represented in their crest with a royal warrior stabbing a lion.

Under the Hoysala rule there was a great development in poetry and art.  The prosperity that they gained from their kingdom was put into building of temples, which had been a tradition.  This tradition of building temples is known as Dravida and originated sometime in the 6th or 7th century (Foekema 11).  Very few of these temples were actually commissioned by the dynasty itself, but largely due to the peace that they created in their kingdom.   Due to the peace created in the kingdom many small communities built their own temples.   Their temples were not different than those from neighbouring kingdoms, what was special was the consistence of them, with them being far more of the temples located in this area.  There were no more of their temples built after their fall.  Instead temples being built were constructed in a new style from elsewhere in India, similar to the ones found in Tamil Nadu (Foekema 12).  Due to the assimilation of the Hoysala Kingdom rather than a destructive invasion the temples have been left standing. Their temples have become a major tourist and pilgrimage attraction in south India and will continue for future generations.

It took 100 years for the Hoysala dynasty to gain independence and another 100 to reach the peak of their power.  It then took 150 years for their decline and eventual disappearance into a far larger kingdom.  The Hoysala were not completely destroyed, only assimilated into an empire that covered a range that had never been seen in south India.  This ensured that what had been created under the Hoysala rule survived to the modern day.  The architectural legacy of the Hoysala Kingdom enhances the mosaic of modern India.

References and Related Reading

Yaguchi (2005) “On the Spatial Units of the Hoysala Temples A Study of Spatial Composition             of the Hoysala Temples.” Gifu Shiritsu Joshi Tanki Daigaku Kenkyu Kiyo 54 Pp. 183-189

Rice (1915) “The Hoysala King Bitti-Deva Vishnuvardhana.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic        Society of Great Britain and Ireland Pp. 527-531

Kulke and Rothermund (2004) A History of India. 4th edition. New York: MPG Books Ltd

Pollock and Sheldon (2004) “The Transformation of Cultural-Power in Indo-Europe, 1000-1300.” Medieval Encounters 10(1-3) Pp 247- 278.

Ramanathan (1969) “The Possible Origins of a Closed Community” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 32(2) Pp 323-343

Foekema (1996) A complete guide to Hoysala Temples. New Delhi, Shakti Malik

Related Research Topics

Hoysala Temples, Cola Dynasty, Calukya Dynasty, South India temples, South India history, formation of Vijayanagara kingdom

Related Websites

http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/deccan/hoysala.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hoysala_Empire

http://www.gloriousindia.com/history/hoysala_dynasty.html

http://www.hoysala.in/

http://www.indianetzone.com/5/hoysala_empire.htm

http://www.indfy.com/karnataka-india/history.html

Article written by: Doug Sedgwick (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

The 64 Yoginis

In the Hindu religion Yoginis are females credited with magical powers (Kinsley 287). The history surrounding the yoginis is scarce and can vary from source to source. Consensus is that the cult first appeared around the sixth to seventh century (Gadon 33). The cult did not begin to thrive however, until the ninth century and stayed fairly popular through to the twelfth century (Gadon 33). According to the scholar Vidya Dehejia, the roots of Yogini worship are outside the normal orthodox Brahmanical traditions. The Yogini traditions are tantric in nature and therefore have strong connections to rural and tribal traditions (Donaldson 617). The origin of the Yoginis appears to be in small, rural villages (Dehejia 1). They are local village goddesses, grama devatas, who look over the welfare of an individual village (Dehejia 1). Through Tantrism, these local deities were able to gain new forms and vitality as a group of goddesses who could impart magical powers to their worshippers (Dehejia 2). These powers included: anima (the ability to become very small), laghima (the power to levitate and to be able to leave your body at will), garima (the power to become very heavy), mahima (the power to become large in size), istiva (the power to control the body and mind of oneself and others), parakamya (the power to make others do your biding), vasitva (the power to control the five elements) and kamavasayitva (the power to be able to fulfill all your desires) (Dehejia 53). Village goddesses progressively transformed and merged into powerful numerical groupings (Dehejia 1-2).

Statue of a Yogini, one of a cluster of 64, who would be housed in circular, roofless temples, enabling them to fly in and out; 10th century, Sackler Gallery, Washington DC
Statue of a Yogini, one of a cluster of 64, who would be housed in circular, roofless temples, enabling them to fly in and out; 10th century, Sackler Gallery, Washington DC

The numerical groupings associated with the yoginis vary from text to text, but the most common grouping is sixty-four (Donaldson 620). There are very few references to yoginis being alone (Donaldson 633). The numbers eight, twelve, sixteen and sixty-four seem to elevate the yoginis to a higher status (Donaldson 633). The number eight is considered to be very auspicious and have great potency and within the Hindu religion (Dehejia 44). As the square of eight, sixty-four, has even more power and is considered to be extremely auspicious in Tantric literature (Donaldson 633). When the Yoginis are divided into groups of eight it is, usually, to associate each group with a separate deity (Donaldson 634). The groups usually take on the attributes of whichever deity they are connected with (Donaldson 634). Although the grouping of the yoginis into sixty-four is fairly uniform throughout the literature, their names, descriptions and characteristics are not (Donaldson 620).

The cult of the yoginis is often associated with a sense of fear and awe because the yoginis are sculpted with demonic expressions or other dark attributes (Gadon 33). When the yoginis are depicted in sculpture or described in text they often have the heads of various birds such as: parrots, hawks, peacocks, eagles, pigeons, and owls (Kinsley 197). They were also carved with characteristics from other animals (Donaldson 619). These include: the frog, elephant, jackal, goat, ox, cat, tiger, horse, and snake (Donaldson 619). Along with having the qualities of birds and other animals, the yoginis are repeatedly talked about as having severed heads in their hands or scattered around their feet (Gadon 33). In one story from the Padna Purana, the yoginis are called by Siva to consume heaps of flesh from a demon head that Siva has severed (Donaldson 622-623). This story talks of how they rejoiced after eating the flesh and drinking the blood of the demon, and describes them as having enormous bodies and sharp fangs (Donaldson 623). Yoginis are occasionally depicted with numerous arms, anywhere from four to eight (Donaldson 640).

There are four main traditions that are associated with the cult of the yoginis and how they developed from their tribal beginnings and became integrated into orthodox beliefs (Donaldson 618). All four of the traditions revolve around the idea that the yoginis were minor divinities to greater goddesses. The first tradition is the idea of the yoginis as aspects of the Devi or Great Goddess (Donaldson 618). The yoginis were said to be formed from different parts of the Devi, including: her voice, sweat, navel, forehead, cheeks, lips, ears, limbs, toe nails, womb, and her anger (Donaldson 618). The second tradition is the idea that the yoginis are attendant deities of the Great Goddess (Donaldson 618). This tradition is thought to have developed from earlier tradition of Siva and her gana attendants (Donaldson 619). The third tradition focuses on the yoginis as acolytes of the Great Goddess: the matrkas (Donaldson 618). This tradition describes the yoginis as being born of eight mothers and formed into eight groups (Donaldson 622). The fourth and final tradition centers on the thought of the yoginis as patrons of the goddess of the Kaulas (Donaldson 618). Through the scrutiny of numerous Tantric texts, the yogini cult became associated with a specific Tantric sect called the Kaulas (Donaldson 623).

Exploring the yogini temples has been the best way of gathering information about the cult, its practices, and their appearances. Each yogini temple reflects the unique traditions of the area that it is located in (Dehejia 94). This, therefore, leads to many different intepretations of the cult (Dehejia 94). There are certain aspects of the temples that are common. Most of the yogini temples are located in remote areas. For example, the temple of Ranipur-Jharial is located several miles away from the nearest town (Dehejia 103). The temple of Hirapur is extremly isolated, with the only way to access it being through one small dirt lane (Gadon 33). Another common feature among the temples is that they are usually formed in the shape of a circle. Both the Ranipur-Jaharial Temple and the Hiarapur Temple are formed in circles (Donaldson 666, 669).

While this information describes the consensus of Hindu scholars there are few definitive texts that contain concrete information about the cult or its goddesses (Donaldson 624). “Yogini namavalis (name-lists) stand in isolation, neither preceded nor followed by any explanatory verses on the worship or status of these deities.” (Dehejia 31). The Puranic and Tantric texts that do speak of the yogini cult, have made it clear that the reason these goddesses were worshipped was to gain an array of occult powers (Dehejia 53). Many Kaula texts refer to the fact that the followers of Kaula believe in the yoginis and will receive blessings from the yoginis in return for their worship (Donaldson 624). The texts also make reference to how those that do not follow the tradition of the yogini cult will be cursed (Donaldson 624). “Tantras that speak of yoginis, reiterate that this is a highly secret, hidden knowledge that was to be divulged only to initiates“(Dehejia 31).

Bibliography

Dehejia, Vidya (1986) Yogini, Cult and Temples: A Tantric Tradition. New Delhi: National Museum. Donaldson, Thomas E. (2002) Tantra and Sakta Art of Orissa. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld Ltd. Gadon, E. W. (2002). Probing the mysteries of the Hirapur Yoginis.  ReVision, 25, 1. p.33(9).

Kinsley, David (1998) Tantric Visions of the Divine Female: The Ten Mayavidyas. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Related Websites

http://www.khandro.net/dakini_the64.htm

http://orissagov.nic.in/e-magazine/Orissareview/oct2004/englishPdf/originoftantricism.pdf

Related Words

Siva

Kaulas

Padma Purana

grama devatas

Written by Tracy van Paridon (Spring 2009), who is solely responsible for its content.

Ravana

To individuals who are familiar with the Hindu epic Ramayana, the name Ravana has come to mean the main antagonist of the epic, the demon king of Lanka who was manipulated into kidnapping Sita, the wife of Rama. In the epic Ravana is described as the mighty king of the Raksasas with ten heads, twenty arms, and copper-colored eyes, and bright teeth like the young moon (Valmiki, Vol 2: 94-95). He gained control of his kingdom by banishing his half-brother Kubera who was the rightful king. His kingdom was the Kingdom of Lanka, which was said to be at the southern tip of India and some believe that it may be the current state of Sri Lanka as Hanuman, the monkey god, is depicted jumping over a sea to reach the kingdom.

In terms of Ravana’s ancestry, he was a Brahmin by birth as he was born the Visrava, a Brahmin sage and Kaikesi, a Raksasa princess. It is believed that Sumali, Kaikesi’s father who was the king of the Daiteyas, wanted her to marry the most powerful man in the world and chose Visrava as he was the son of Rishi Pulastya, one of the six human sons of Brahma. Ravana also had quite a large number of brothers and sister, the most famous being Surpanakha, who manipulated him into kidnapping Sita because she was insulted by Laksmana and Rama; other siblings are listed as Kumbhkarna, the sleeping giant who was quite skilled at war, Vibhisana, the dharmic Raksasa who eventually helped Rama and older half-brother Kubera, the god of wealth. Even though it is said that Ravana had quite a large of number of queens and a great harem, his favorite queen was said to be Mandodari, a woman of great beauty and wisdom. Mandodari was a pious women who was always apologetic for the misdeeds of her husband. He was the father to several children; Trisiras and Indrajit, who were killed in the battle of Lanka, and Ravani, Aksa, Devantaka, Atikaya, and Narantaka. It is recorded that all of Ravana’s wives performed Sati after his death and died at his funeral pyre.

In terms of Ravana’s kingdom, Lanka was initially ruled by Sumali, Ravana’s maternal grandfather. The ruling was then taken over by Ravana’s half brother Kubera, also known as the god of wealth, who was given the kingdom as a prize because of the austerities he performed to Brahma. Ravana eventually took over the kingdom forcibly, however it is recorded that Lanka flourished under his rule and after Ravana’s defeat; the kingdom was then turned over to his dharmic brother Vibhisana. It is believed that Lanka is the current state of Sri Lanka as the island of Sri Lanka is at the southernmost tip of India. There is also remains of a land bridge that connected Sri Lanka and India, which is known as Rama’s Bridge to this day, and some consider this as proof that Sri Lanka is connected to the Ramayana.

Bas relief depicting Ravana trying to topple Mount Kailasa, the abode of Siva and Parvati; Mahabalipuram, India
Bas relief depicting Ravana trying to topple Mount Kailasa, the abode of Siva and Parvati; Mahabalipuram, India

In the Ramayana there are many references to Ravana’s wickedness and evilness. First of these can be seen as his defeat of his half-brother to gain control of Lanka. This was not done through normal means as he performed asceticism for Brahma, the god of creation, and a boon was granted to him for his perseverance (Pollock 509). Ravana in turn asked for the ability to defeat gods in battle and with this ability he was able to defeat his half-brother and win his kingdom. Ravana was also well known for forcing himself upon women and it is believed Kubera had cursed Ravana after such a conquest and that is why he was not able to force himself upon Sita. The greatest misdeed of Ravana in the Ramayana is the abduction of Sita who is seen as the image of righteousness. The abduction was caused by Surphanakha’s need for revenge because of Rama’s reaction after her proclamation of love as well as Laksmana cutting off her nose and ears as punishment for insulting Rama. Ravana in turn sent fourteen thousand Raksasas to Rama, Sita, and Laksmana’s dwellings yet they were all defeated. Ravana then decided to take matters further by flying to Rama’s dwellings and abducting Sita after distracting Rama and Laksmana (Kishore 1995: 69-71). As Sita was in captivity for approximately a year, during which time Ravana repeatedly tried make her his wife using many tactics; meanwhile, Rama had prepared an army of monkeys to rescue Sita. This lead to the Battle of Lanka in which the vast army of Raksasas were defeated by Rama’a army and Ravana was slaughtered by Rama himself. However, the demise of the demon king did not come easily, as Rama had to acquire extraordinary weapons in order to slaughter him, the reason for this pertains to Ravana’s boon granted by Brahma.

Even though Ravana is depicted mainly negatively in the Ramayana, there are also positive aspects of his embedded in the epic. He is shown as a great scholar who mastered the Vedas and the arts as well. He was knowledgeable in Brahmin skills as well as Ksastriya skills. Ravana was also a great ruler, which was seen by the prosperousness of Lanka during his reign. When Hanuman first visits Lanka, he was amazed the “splendid yellow-white palaces, like to a city stationed in the sky” (Valmiki, Sundarakandam: 15) He also was said to be a fair ruler and this was cemented by the loyalty of his subjects which is seen many times in the epic. Ravana was a firm devotee of the destructor god, Siva and this devotion seems to stem from his meeting with the god at Kailash. It is said that Ravana may have written a devotional hymn to Siva, the Siva Tandava Stotra. When analyzing the epic the battle of Lanka could be seen as the clash of the two great devotional sects, Saivism and Vaisnavism because of Ravana’s devotion to Siva and Rama being the incarnation of Visnu himself.

When discussing the great demon king, Ravana, one must always consider his positive and negative aspects. Even though he is depicted as evil and wicked in the epic and his effigies are burned even today where as Rama is seen as righteousness, one must realize that for all of Ravana’s negative aspects, positive aspects must be present as well.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Dowson, John (1879) A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion, geography, history, and literature. London: Trübner

Kishore, B.R. (2005) Ramayana. Diamond Pocket Books

Pollock, Sheldon (1984) The Divine King in the Indian Epic. Journal of the American Oriental Society.

Richman, Paula. (1991) Many Ramayanas: The diversity of a narrative tradition in South Asia. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Rocher, Ludo (2006) The Ramayana Revisited. Journal of the American Oriental Society.

Roy S.B. (1982) Mohenjodaro and the Lanka of Ravana: a new hypothesis. New Delhi: Institute of Chronology.

Valmiki. Dutt, M.N. trans., Arya, Ravi. Eds. – Ramayana (Volumes I,II,III,IV)I. New Delhi: Parimal Publications.

REFERENCED WEBSITES

Life and Character sketch of Ravana. http://www.indiaparenting.com/stories/krishna/rama15.shtml

RELATED TOPICS

Rama

Sita

Laksmana

The Ramayana

Hanuman

Valmiki

Dasaratha

Kaikeyi

Kingdom of Lanka

Ayodhya

Siva

Visnu

Laksmi

Visvamitra

Kusa

Lava

Bala Khanda

Ayodya Khanda

Aranya Kanda

Kiskindha Kanda

Sundara Kanda

Yudda Kanda

Uttara Kanda

NOTEWORTHY WEBSITES RELATED TO THE TOPIC

http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Religions/Avatars/Ravana.html

http://www.mythfolklore.net/india/encyclopedia/ravana.htm

http://www.answers.com/topic/ravana

http://www.bolokids.com/ramayana/11.htm

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/492219/Ravana

http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/vibheeshana/page4.htm

http://www.hindubooks.org/david_frawley/arjuna/ancestry_of_ravana/page1.htm

Written by Savini Suduweli Kondage (Spring 2009), who is solely responsible for its content.

The Skanda Purana

Skanda on Peacock Mount Kdei Ang, Cambodia. VI or VII century Musee Guimet, Paris
Skanda on Peacock Mount
Kdei Ang, Cambodia.
VI or VII century
Musee Guimet, Paris

The Puranas are a genre of smrti literature in India. The Puranas literally mean “tales of old” or “ancient,” which adheres to the idea that they are the sourcebooks for Hindu mythology (Rodrigues 290). Historical information is blended with pseudo-history and myth to create the legends found in the Puranas. It can be argued, like E. H. Rick Jarow does in his encyclopedic article on the Puranas, that they are the core texts of Hindu religiosity as some provide the cornerstones of particular devotional traditions, templates for institutions, social observations, and traditions of secular knowledge (Jarow 7497). They are sometimes described as being the narrative portion of Vedic sacrifice; a kind of fifth Veda (Jarow 7497). The Devibhagavata says “Sruti and smrti are the two eyes of dharma but the Purana is its heart” (Jarow 7499, XI.1.21). The Puranas are usually identified as having five characteristics (pancalaksana). These are creation (sarga), re-creation of the universe after its dissolution (pratisarga), genealogies of the gods, sages, kings, and patriarchs (vamsa), cyclic ages of humanity presided over by Manu, the father of humanity (manvantara), and royal dynastic histories (vamsanucaritam) (Jarow 7497). However, these characteristics make up only a small percentage of the vast and diverse narratives that cause the Puranas to be so difficult to define and comprehend. There are eighteen Mahapuranas (Great Puranas) in total. The thirteenth Purana is the Skanda Purana, which is the largest of the major eighteen Puranas as it contains the most number of verses. The Skanda Purana consists of doctrines and worship of Siva, as well as legends about Siva and his son Skanda (Tagare 1992: xvii). It is an expansive text, spread out over several books that address general topics of interest including social, cultural, political, historical, geographical, and religious themes (Tagare 1992: xvi). Through the description of narratives included in the Skanda Purana, the different legends presented about the worship of Siva and Skanda, as well as legends derived from specific regions in India, are what make this an influential smrti text in the Hindu tradition. The Skanda Purana, and the Puranas in general, are a tool for the modern historian of ancient India as they provide considerable help in reconstructing the past history as a major literary source containing such aspects of ancient Indian life listed above.

The Puranas are a genre of smrti literature in India. The Puranas literally mean “tales of old” or “ancient,” which adheres to the idea that they are the sourcebooks for Hindu mythology (Rodrigues 290). Historical information is blended with pseudo-history and myth to create the legends found in the Puranas. It can be argued, like E. H. Rick Jarow does in his encyclopedic article on the Puranas, that they are the core texts of Hindu religiosity as some provide the cornerstones of particular devotional traditions, templates for institutions, social observations, and traditions of secular knowledge (Jarow 7497). They are sometimes described as being the narrative portion of Vedic sacrifice; a kind of fifth Veda (Jarow 7497). The Devibhagavata says “Sruti and smrti are the two eyes of dharma but the Purana is its heart” (Jarow 7499, XI.1.21). The Puranas are usually identified as having five characteristics (pancalaksana). These are creation (sarga), re-creation of the universe after its dissolution (pratisarga), genealogies of the gods, sages, kings, and patriarchs (vamsa), cyclic ages of humanity presided over by Manu, the father of humanity (manvantara), and royal dynastic histories (vamsanucaritam) (Jarow 7497). However, these characteristics make up only a small percentage of the vast and diverse narratives that cause the Puranas to be so difficult to define and comprehend. There are eighteen Mahapuranas (Great Puranas) in total. The thirteenth Purana is the Skanda Purana, which is the largest of the major eighteen Puranas as it contains the most number of verses. The Skanda Purana consists of doctrines and worship of Siva, as well as legends about Siva and his son Skanda (Tagare 1992: xvii). It is an expansive text, spread out over several books that address general topics of interest including social, cultural, political, historical, geographical, and religious themes (Tagare 1992: xvi). Through the description of narratives included in the Skanda Purana, the different legends presented about the worship of Siva and Skanda, as well as legends derived from specific regions in India, are what make this an influential smrti text in the Hindu tradition. The Skanda Purana, and the Puranas in general, are a tool for the modern historian of ancient India as they provide considerable help in reconstructing the past history as a major literary source containing such aspects of ancient Indian life listed above.

In Chapter 36, in the third book (Brahma-Khanda) and second section (Dharmaranya-Khanda) of the Skanda Purana, we get the narrative of King Ama of Kanauj/Kanyakubja. Puranic evidence clearly indicates that King Ama was an influential monarch well known both to the Jaina and Brahmanical traditions and that he ruled from Kanauj as his capital appears now to be a well founded fact (Agrawala 112). P. Agrawala’s article “New ‘Skanda Purana’ Evidence on King Ama of Kanauj” says that this section of the text is extremely rich in cultural and ethnological material (110). During the Kali Age is when King Ama is on the throne. The Kali age is described in the Skanda Purana as an age of people that are full of lustfulness, greed, and destruction. The people of the Kali Age reject the Vedas and the class distinctions, so that all four castes are mixed. “Subjects became inclined to commit sins” under King Ama’s rule and Jainism was adopted instead of their Brahmanical tradition that follows the Vedic literature closely (Tagare 1996: 191, III.ii.36.34-38). This chapter’s explanation of the tendencies of the people from the so-called Kali Age is an example of the text’s richness in cultural and social material. It describes the relations between people of the same and different social castes that reflects the change in religious following from the traditional Hinduism to Jainism. The plight of the Brahmana class is what brings the Vedic tradition back. King Ama promises them if they bring Hanuman to him, he will restore their power and livelihood in his kingdom. However, when the Brahmins bring proof of Hanuman, the packet of hair from his left armpit, to King Ama, he went back on his word and expelled them, saying he will never give them anything (Tagare 1996: 210, III.ii.38.16-21).. The Brahmanas threw down the hair and when they departed the whole place was ablaze with flames of fire. In this episode of the burning of Kanauj by the Brahmanas, we presumably have a reference to some historical incident of incendiary destruction at Kanauj during King Ama’s reign (Agrawala 113). By Chapter 40, the legend of King Ama and the struggle of the Brahmanas to reinstate Vedic tradition during the upheaval of the Kali Age finishes with the reasoning behind why it is important to listen to this Purana. It outlines what the Vedas bring to society and what the Brahmanas are responsible for. The restrictions and regulations are laid out so “He who wants to do what is beneficial to his sons” is clear about how to do that (Tagare 1996: 239, III.ii.40.36-38). This legend in the Skanda Purana is an example of how particular legends of this smrti text can be used historically to situate the religious beliefs into the social (through the struggles of the Brahmana caste), the cultural (in the behavior of the people under the influence of Jainism with the rejection of the Vedas), and the political (with the emphasis on what King Ama does during his reign) history of ancient India.

The Skanda Purana’s also offer geographical and local information on the sites where the legends take place. In R. Mehta’s “Two Legends from the ‘Skanda Purana” – Study” she uses the legend of the goat-faced daughter of Bharata’s son in the Kaumarikakhanda and the legend of the woman with the deer’s face in the Vastrapathamahatmya to explain how these Skanda Purana texts can be used to eulogize the power and sanctity of a local tirtha (sacred place, usually destination of pilgrimages, that is associated with a deity or saint) (208). The legend of the girl with the head of a goat relies on the local flora and fauna as well as local geographical features of the Cambay region (Mehta 208). Migrating herds of cattle, sheep, and goat are an annual phenomenon (Mehta 208). Therefore the motif of the goat is an outcome of the local peculiarities of this site. The goat-faced girl’s voyage to Cambay after her realization of her previous birth relates to the fact that Cambay is a well-known medieval port (Mehta 208). Also, the legend’s praise of Siva indicates the Saivite learning of the legend, which adds to the site’s holiness (Mehta 208).

In the legend of the girl with the face of a deer, the girl narrates to King Bhoja of Kanyakuba the history of her seven births.A well-known motif in Indian literature is the relationship of two individuals through a series of birth, which is clearly an inspiration for this legend of the Skanda Purana (Mehta 208). The death of the deer in her sixth birth by a lion relates to true events in the Gir forests. The Gir forest is a sanctuary for lions even today, and their natural food includes the deer (Mehta 208). This region is also populated with a variety of deer (Mehta 208). As a result of these two facts about the geographical location of the legend, the local experiences are weaved into the narration of the legend. Another part of the legend that leads to this belief in the influence of local phenomenon on the Skanda Purana narrations is the legend’s disclosure of knowledge of the pervious births due to the intervention of Sarasvata, the best of the Brahmins (Mehta 209). The term sarasvata might refer to a tantrika or to a Brahmin from the Sarasvata caste (Mehta 209). While human speech by animate and inanimate objects is a widespread motif in Indian literature, the belief in the tantrika powers, which would make an animal speak in human tongues proposed in this legend, emphasizes the power of Sarasvata (Mehta 209).

While the studies of these two legends, outlined by Mehta, seem to reflect legends that explain local phenomenon in their stories, this is only one way to define the Skanda Purana. The title of this section of the Puranas, “Skanda,” is the name of Siva’s son Kartikeya, also called Skanda. The beginning of the Skanda Purana tells the tale of Skanda’s birth, starting with the narration of Siva’s marriage first to Sati and then to Parvati (Sharma 126; 128-129). The demon Tarakasura was tormenting the deities and could only be killed by a child. It was believed that only Siva’s son could kill Tarakasura (Sharma 128). Agni (the God of Fire) consumed the semen Siva discharged on the earth and Parvati cursed the earth for preventing her sexual intercourse with Siva and her ending her desire to have a son (Mani 747). Agni could no longer hold Siva’s semen as it was diminishing his powers, so Ganga (the river goddess) asked Agni to throw the semen into her waters, where it remained for nearly five thousand years (Mani 747). The semen, however, became a burden to Ganga as well, so the Brahma told her to take the semen to a forest in the Udaya mountain and deposit the semen on a particular kind of grass and after ten thousand years a male child would be born (Mani 747). When the child was born, called Subrahmanya, he let out a cry that brought the six Krttikas to provide him with breastfeeding (Mani 747). Since Subrahmanya looked at all six Krttikas, one after the other as it nursed, it developed six faces (Mani 747). After the birth of this child was known, the question of ownership of the child came up between Agni, Ganga, Parvati and the Krttikas (Mani 748). As the child had six faces, Siva said that it should be the Krttikas’ son under the name Karttikya, Ganga’s son under the name Kumara, Parvati’s son under the name Skanda, Agni’s son under the name Mahasena, and his own son under the name Guha (Mani 748). Siva declared this son would be a great yogi that will be known under all of these names (Mani 748). At his coronation, Siva’s son was crowned the army-chief, and as such the God of War. Skanda eventually defeats Tarakasura and takes a vow of celibacy that leads to his more humane treatment of women by looking upon them as equal to his much respected mother, Parvati (Mani 748).

The legend of how Skanda came to be born is important for the cult of Siva worship the Skanda Purana emphasizes. The locations of Siva’s semen deposits are considered holy sites and are used as sites of pilgrimage for believers of the Hindu tradition, especially the holy Ganga river. The emphasis on both the worship of the great Lord Siva and on specific localities within the legends included in the Skanda Purana make it an important text that deals largely with places of pilgrimage and therefore worship (Jarow 7498).

Bibliography

Jarow, E. H Rick (2005) “The Puranas.” Encyclopedia of Religion. Ed. Lindsay Jones.

Detroit: Macmillan Reference, 7497-7502.

Mani, Vettam (1979) Puranic Encyclopedia. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Mehta Rn, Kantawala Sg (1978) “Two Legends from the Skanda Purana.” Journal of

Indian History 56 (August): 203-211.

Minkowski, Christopher (2002) “Nīlakantha Caturdhara’s Mantrakāśīkhanda.” Journal of

American Oriental Society 122, no. 2 (April-June): 329-344.

Pk, Agrawala (1976) “New ‘Skanda Purana’ Evidence on King Ama of Kanauj.”

Quarterly Review of Historical Studies 15, no. 2: 109-114.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism – The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online.

Sharma, P.R.P. (2007) Encyclopaedia of Puranas Vol.2. New Delhi: Anmol Publications.

Tagare, G.V. (1992) Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology: Puranas in Translation –

The Skanda Purana Part I. Delhi: Mistilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Tagare, G.V. (1996) Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology: Puranas in Translation –

The Skanda Purana Part IX. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Related Topics

Puranas

Siva

Sati

Parvati

Agni

Ganga

Krttikas

Kartikeya

Tarakasura

Kanyakuja

King Ama

Cambay

The “Gir Forests”

The Kali Age

Laws of Manu

Jainism

Websites Related to Skanda Purana

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skanda_Purana

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_pilgrimage_sites_in_India

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ganga_in_Hinduism

http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Skanda_Purana

http://murugan.org/texts/skanda-purana-chapt21.htm

Written by Tianna Stevenson (Spring 2009), who is solely responsible for its content.

The Goddess Parvati

The goddess Parvati is worshiped in the Hindu tradition for her affection and beauty. Her name denotes “she who dwells in the mountains.” (Kinsley 41). Parvati is one of the many consorts of Siva, a powerful Hindu god who resides in the mountains. There are many different identities depicted of the goddess. People who view Parvati as the auspicious goddess, call her “Sarvamanagala” (Smith 50). Parvati is also represented as “Ambika”, which refers to her role as a mother, and as “Girija”, the daughter of the Himalayan mountain deity. She is also referred to as Kali, a goddess who is known as “the dark one”. This is because Parvati has a dark complexion (Kinsley 42). As well as the diverse names that describe Parvati, there are many songs, stories, stone carvings, and Pahadi paintings of the goddess.

The mythology of Parvati is largely based on her relationship with Siva. Her association with Siva is described as essential in order for cosmic reproduction to occur, which entails the preservation of the world (Kinsley 41). Sanskritic manifestations derive from the Vedas, which are developed in the Puranas. Dravidian manifestations draw from Tamil country origins, which describe distinct characteristics of the mythology of Parvati. Lastly, autochthonous tradition, also known as the folk tradition, includes legends and folk stories about Parvati (Dehejia 12). Although diverse, together, these traditions formulate a good interpretation of the goddess and describe Parvati as a “dedicated and loving wife.” (Dehejia 39).

Bronze masterpiece depicting the goddess Parvati, consort of Siva; 14th century, Thanjavur Palace Museum
Bronze masterpiece depicting the goddess Parvati, consort of Siva; 14th century, Thanjavur Palace Museum

In the Sanskritic tradition, as described in the Puranas, Parvati is a reincarnation of Sati (Kinsley 37). The goddess Sati was the first wife of Siva who takes her own life in a yajna sacrifice. The gods were concerned with Siva’s state of isolation from others. Thus, they felt that Parvati was destined to marry Siva (Dehejia 16). Himalaya, the father of Parvati, stated that in order for Parvati to become the wife of Siva, she must complete penance. However, Parvati had difficulty performing penance which led to her father asking Kama, the God of love, for assistance. Kama shot arrows at Siva, which in return, angered him. Siva burned Kama to ashes and this deeply hurt Parvati. Parvati escaped to the mountains where she performed austerities (Dehejia 19). These austerities were so frequent and intense that Siva became allured by Parvati’s physical appearance. The marriage of Siva and Parvati is subsequently arranged. Their marriage and family status is described as peaceful and pleasant. Siva and Parvati spent their time sitting on Mount Kailasa, while conversing about Hindu philosophy and engaging in sexual activity (289). However, there were times when the marriage was a challenging endeavor. Parvati and Siva would quarrel and offend each other. At times, Siva behaved so poorly that Parvati would leave him. Siva would often make comments about Parvati’s dark skin, and gave her the nickname “blackie”. Parvati removed herself from the household and settled in the forest, where she performed austerities (Kinsley 44). The legend, the Varaha Purana, states that the devi did this until Brahma granted her wish of changing her complexion from dark to golden.

Regarding the family life of Parvati and Siva, Parvati wanted and eventually gained a son to protect her from intruders coming into her apartment (Kinsley 44). At one point, however, her son would not let Siva enter the apartment. This angered Siva, who spoke of the lack of auspiciousness in Saturn, which led to the beheading of the child. The child’s head was later replaced with the head of an elephant and was named Ganesha. Parvati had two more children, Kartikaya and Andhaka. In the Sanskritic tradition, Parvati is described as being a devoted wife and mother to her sons (Dehejia 25).

Parvati's austerities (tapas) and her worship of Siva are depicted on this pillar at Darasuram Temple in Tamil Nadu
Parvati’s austerities (tapas) and her worship of Siva are depicted on this pillar at Darasuram Temple in Tamil Nadu

Parvati, in the Tamil tradition, is similar to the Sanskritic tradition because it places an emphasis on the bond between Parvati and Siva. In the 4th century, the Tamil region was ruled by Jains, and the Hindu tradition arose in the 5th century (Dehejia 26). This mythology is largely derived from the Silappadikaram and Manimekalai epics from Sangam literature. Like the Sanskritic tradition, the marriage between Siva and Parvati is an important component in both traditions; however, Tamil mythology is mainly based on Parvati and her manifestations. In the Sanskritic tradition, Siva is characterized as being powerful figure and Parvati is known as his loyal consort (Dehejia 28). In the Tamil tradition, Parvati has a split personality. There is the southern goddess, who is depicted as being dark and violent, and then there is the northern version of the devi, who is romantic and quiet (Dehejia 34).

The folk tradition includes the adivasis group. This tradition includes characteristics of Sanskritic and Tamil, but still possesses some differences. For example, instead of worshipping one particular god, the folk worship Parvati is a mixture of the 4 other consorts of Siva. Thus, the folk tradition views one goddess as having many notable features, such as affection, power, and beauty. According to the folk tradition, Khandoba and his consort Mahalsa are the equivalent to Siva and Parvati in the Sankskritic tradition. Khandoba is a deity known as the “killer of demons” and like Siva, this god is associated with the mountains (Dehejia 35). Mahalsa is a reincarnation of Mohini, whom Khandoba was deeply drawn too.

Parvati is adored by painters, poets, and musicians for her divine beauty. The goddess is worshiped in images both with and without Siva (Smith 52). Literature such as the Puranas is known to be one of the earliest and most popular depictions of Parvati. In this script, her life and relationship to Siva are expressed (Dehejia 43). The poet Kalidasa wrote Kumarasambhava, which describes the alluring devi. Along with literature, there are many songs written about Parvati that are mainly sung by women (Dehejia 57). Many women sing about the time in her life when the goddess left the home she was born in to her home in Kailasa. Along with literature and songs written about Parvati, there are also many images depicted of the goddess that are highly valued pieces of work. Temple images of Parvati and her consort Siva are worshipped four times a day (Smith 51). There exists special festivals in honor of Parvati. For example, in a temple once a year, the marriage of Siva and Parvati is re-enacted (Smith 52). The most popular marriage re-enactment occurs during the Caitra month (April-May). Another festival that honors the goddess occurs throughout nine days. This gathering, known as Navaratri, occurs in Asvayuja (October-November), and is said to be “her” time (Smith 51).

There are various images depicted of Parvati. Many images express the bond between Parvati and Siva. Some icons portray Siva as the possessor of Sakti (cosmic power), known as saktiman and Parvati as Sakti. One well known image of Parvati and Siva is the Ardhanarisvara. This image was developed in the 10th century and is made of sandstone (Dehejia 73). It depicts a half male and half female being, which accentuates the interdependent relationship between the goddess and her consort (Kinsley 50). Another icon of Parvati and Siva is known as the Wedding of Siva and Parvati, which was created in the 17th century and is made of ivory (Dehejia 82). In the image, Parvati is offering her right hand to Siva during their wedding ceremony. This icon represents the feelings of bliss and anticipation that were experienced during this festive day. Along with the many images depicted of Parvati and her unification with Siva, other illustrations relate to stories and songs in the Puranas, the Hindu culture, and other festivals and rituals (Dehejia 62).

Although Parvati has little responsibilities as a goddess, she has gained respect and adoration throughout India. The devi is a devoted mother and wife. She is worshiped for her exquisite charm and the love she shares with others (Kinsley 41). Thus, Parvati deserves recognition for representing all that beautiful, both physically and spiritually.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECCOMMENDED READING

Dehejia, Harsha (1999) Parvati: Goddess of Love. New Jersey: Grantha Corporation

Foulston, Lynn (2002) At the Feet of the Goddess: The Divine Feminine in Local Hindu Religion. Portland: Sussex Academic Press

Kinsley, David R (1986) Hindu Goddesses: visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu Religious tradition. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press

O’Flaherty, Wendy Dowger (1973) Siva: The Erotic Ascetic. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Pintchman, Tracy (1994) The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press

Smith, Daniel H (1991) Handbook of Hindu Gods, Goddesses and Saints. New Delhi: Ashish Singhal for Sundeep Prakashan

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

  • Agni
  • Arjuna
  • Devi
  • Durga Puja
  • Dyaus- pitr
  • Ganesa
  • Indra
  • Kali
  • Rg Veda
  • Sakti
  • Siva
  • Soma
  • Surya
  • Mahabharata
  • Varuna
  • Vayu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parvati

http://www.exoticindiaart.com/article/parvati/

http://www.festivalsinindia.net/goddesses/parvati.html

http://www.goddessgift.com/goddess-myths/hindu-goddess-parvati.htm

http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/hindu/uma.htm

http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/Parvati

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/deities/goddesses.htm

Article written by: Genna Barsky (March 2009) who is solely responsible for its content.