Category Archives: c. Hinduism in Indonesia

Balinese Hindu Childhood Rituals

Bali is an island located in Indonesia renowned for its beauty, vibrant culture and religious practices (Peacock 102). Hinduism is the most prominent of all the religions in Bali (Peacock 102).  Balinese Hinduism can be traced to its origin in mainland India (Peacock 102). However, the Balinese practice their faith in many ways unique from mainline Hinduism with sacred rituals and ceremonies distinct from all other Hindu sects (Howe 57). They have been able to preserve their unique cultural practices and traditions because they are isolated primarily in rural Bali, away from outside influences of Islam and the West (Peacock 102). Some of these distinctive religious practices are related to childhood rituals, as part of the Hindu life cycle (manusa yadnya) (Jenson 21). Additional rituals are observed beginning with the day of birth, centering around the separation and burial of the placenta (Jenson 21). This is followed by rituals at 7 days after birth, at one month, at one month and seven days, and at six months (Jenson 21). Many childhood Hindu rituals function as rites of passage such as the naming ceremony, puberty, birthdays, and tooth-filing (Howe 58).   The three rituals given prominence are the three-month ritual, the first birthday, and tooth-filing (Lansing 35 – 37). Since these three rituals mark significant rites of passage in the life of a Balinese Hindu, they will be the focus of this article.

The three-month ritual, known as the nyabutanor tiga bulan ceremony, is practiced to bring the infant into earthly human existence (Barth 39 Williams 254).  For the first one hundred and five days of an infant’s life, it is viewed as divine in nature, the incarnate form of one of the father’s ancestors re-born (Lim 1997, np). The infant is bathed twice a day; once in the morning and once in the evening (Jenson 65). Since the baby is considered to be divine, the bath water is deemed sacred (Lim 1997, np). During this period, the child is not allowed to touch the ground, to prevent ritual pollution (Barth 39). Families along with their extended relatives go to great lengths to prevent uncleanliness and ritual pollution, ensuring that the infant is carried everywhere for its first three months of life (Williams 253-254). The ritual contains broader elements beyond solely introducing the child into earthly life. The secondary purpose is transforming the baby’s spirit through taming and purification, while simultaneously ensuring health and strength (Lansing 35). Offerings are made to the Sun god and the five great elements, five spirits of the outer world, represented by earth, air, fire, water and ether witness the offerings and respect given to them through the child (Lansing 35).

The process of performing the three-month ritual is the responsibility of a religious leader, either a Brahmin priest or a ritual specialist, depending on the family’s income (Lansing 35). Wealthy families can afford a Brahmin priest, while others turn to a ritual specialist instead (Lansing 35). The ceremony typically takes place in the family temple and the infant is usually dressed in white and yellow (Williams 254). The priest begins by dedicating an offering to the sun god and the five elemental spirits, also commonly referred to as demons (Lansing 35). Symbolically, the child is composed of its own spirit, as well as the four sibling spirits, whose names change as the child grows into adulthood (Lansing, 35). These four sibling-spirits, guide and determine the infant’s fate as it grows into adulthood (Lansing 34).  In the next step of the process, the priest purifies the parents of the infant through prayers and the sprinkling of holy water (Lansing 36). Afterwards, the parents carry their baby clockwise around a jar of holy water three times to signify the life cycle (manusa yadnya) of birth, life, and death (Lansing 36). A representation of the infant is created using various kinds of fruit or vegetables, most commonly either a banana or a coconut (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). This effigy is blessed by the priest with holy water and for a time is treated as though it is the actual infant, whether by being placed in the cradle or near the built shrines, or treated as the child by the mother (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36). This effigy is later taken away and destroyed (Lansing 36, Williams 254). This is done to trick and mislead any malevolent demons, allowing the baby to grow up in peace (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36, Williams 254). Various forms of jewelry, such as an amulet filled with lucky stones, a piece of the infant’s umbilical cord, or in the past a tooth from a tiger, are blessed in holy water and placed on the infant for protection (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). The child is blessed with various kinds of holy water and given its first taste of food, typically rice or rice flour (Williams 254, Lim 1997, np). Finally, the mother walks with her baby across a drawing of the ultimate avatar, a turtle with the symbol for Om on its back and through some holy water, before placing the infant on the ground for the first time (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36).

Variations may be found in the execution of this ritual. Some sources mention the priest drawing the ultimate avatar with the symbol of Om on its back, while others did not. Additionally, the inclusion of the baby eating a first meal varies from text to text. Aspects that all sources include are the creation of an effigy, the purifying with holy water, and blessed jewelry being placed on the infant.  Lastly, there was disagreement on when the child first touches the ground, most sources saying during that it occurs during the nyabutan ceremony, while a few stated it occurred on the first birthday, oton.

The next major ritual in a child’s life is their first birthday known as oton (Howe 59). It is celebrated when the child is six months old or, more precisely, two-hundred and ten days old (Lansing 36). The ritual nyambutan, the three-month ritual, is repeated every six months until the child is six years old (Howe 59). Thereafter, the child is considered an autonomous human being, able to distinguish right from wrong and thus morally accountable for its actions, whereas before the child was criticized little, as it was still considered partially divine (Howe 59). These otons are repeated in order to cleanse the soul from a variety of ritually polluting sources with an offering known as bia kaon (Howe 59).

Though the oton ceremony very closely imitates the nyambutin ritual, there are many novel aspects (Lansing 36). In the child’s first oton, the infant is given its first hair cut and its first “real name” (Lansing 36-37). The child’s real name is given by the priest, who, through divination, chooses a name for the child (Lansing 37). There are numerous ways that a priest may divine the child’s name (Lansing 37).  In some cases, this divination is done by writing names on several pieces of a palm leaf, which are then set on fire (Lansing 37). Whichever leaf segment burns the least or takes the longest to burn is the child’s name (Lansing 37). Wealthy families may engage in more elaborate ceremonies (Lansing 37). For instance, a chicken may be introduced into the ritual that will symbolically remove all dirt and grime from the child’s mouth (Lansing 37).  Additionally, the jar introduced in the nyambutin ritual may reappear at which time the child may place a fish in the jar in return for a small article of gold jewelry (Lansing 37). Cakes are sometimes given to symbolize the quality of generosity (Lansing 37). It is also traditional in families that can afford it to hold a shadow puppet performance (Lansing 37).

The final primary childhood ritual is tooth-filing (metatah). It is traditionally done when a child, girl or boy, reaches sexual maturity (Lansing 37). The ritual does not have to be completed at the time of puberty, often being postponed until just before marriage (Boon 213). Most families postpone the ritual because it is very costly (Howe 59). Some Balinese Hindus may even postpone tooth-filing indefinitely (Boon 213).  However, very few forfeit the practice of tooth-filing (Fischer 1998, np). This could be in part because tooth-filing must be done before cremation, where people pay homage to their dead (Boon 213). More so than the other childhood rituals, tooth filing is symbolic of a family’s status because it is a very public display of extravagance in ceremonial dress, food and offerings (Howe 59). Delaying tooth-filing is seen as a sign of poverty (Howe 59).

The purpose of the tooth-filing ceremony is to symbolically remove physical signs of the child’s animalistic desires and pursuits, thus eradicating the primal vices in the child (Barth 39).  This ceremony frees the child from animalistic and selfish desires: greed, anger, selfishness, drunkenness, envy, and disobedience (Barth 39). These traits are weaknesses in Balinese character, and therefore are to be eliminated (Fischer 1998, np).  The filing of the tips of the incisors and canines is also considered a symbol of beauty, making one more attractive to the opposite sex (Lansing 37). The change in physical appearance also signifies the calm disposition of a person filled with integrity and responsibility, desired qualities in Balinese-Hindu culture (Fischer 1998, np). This ceremony is the most festive of all the childhood rituals, taking the most money, time, and preparation. There are two sections to the ceremony, the actual filing and the celebration that follows.

 The actual tooth-filing takes about an hour and is private with only a few familial witnesses. The family members help hold down the feet of the child, keeping them calmly in place. A piece of sugar cane is frequently used to keep the mouth open for the procedure. The three tools involved in the ceremony, the hammer, chisel, and file are each used for their specific purposes in removing the points from the incisors and the upper canines, six teeth in all (Fischer 1998, np, Lansing 37). The fragments of these teeth are placed in a coconut that will be buried later in proximity to the household shrine of the ancestors, as these fragments of teeth are seen as part of the ancestor reincarnated into the child (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998, np) This is also done to prevent the release of evil spirits which the teeth represent (Fischer 1998, np). The evil spirits are sadness (ripu), anger (krodha), greed (loba), conceit (mada), lust (kama), drunkenness(moha), and jealousy (matsarya) (Lansing 37).  The tooth-filing is done by a ritual specialist or a priest known as a sangging, meaning ‘painter’ or ‘sculptor’ (Lansing 37). The god of beauty, Snag Hyang Semara-Raith; male and female gods of love, which are treated as a single deity during the ceremony, are represented by a cloth which is placed on the lap of the child after the filing of the teeth (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998,np). This highlights physical beauty as a significant part of the tooth-filing (Lansing 37). After the ceremony, the whole family is cleansed and blessed with holy water by the priest (Lansing 37).

The second part of the ceremony is the celebration (Fischer 1998, np). The child is dressed in fine and elegant ceremonial dress (Lansing 37). The celebratory feast includes many invited guests, gifts, and copious amounts of food (Fischer 1998, np). In some instances, speeches are given to explain the significance of tooth-filing and shadow puppet displays entertain the guests (Fischer 1998, np). Many offerings of differing quantities and qualities are offered at the temples all day throughout the village by the family, villagers, and their guests (Howe 60). In the days following the ceremony, the child will receive visitors and open gifts (Fischer 1998, np).  During the last three days, the child will go to the priest and thank them for performing the ritual (Fischer 1998, np).  This time is seen as dangerous, because the child is still weak from the tooth-filing and is thus susceptible to bad spirits (Fischer 1998, np).

The Balinese Hindus are known for their unique and vibrant religious practices for good reason. Though this article reviewed only three of the major childhood rituals, there are many more to delve into, each with their own practices and purposes. The three-month rite introduces a previously regarded god-like infant into its earthly presence. The birthday ceremonies maintain ritual purity and spiritual protection over the child, until the child is realized as an autonomous individual no longer divine in nature, but morally responsible for their actions. The third significant ritual of the Hindu life cycle, manusa yadnya, is metatah, the expelling of one’s base characteristics and vices that accompany our animalistic nature, freeing a person to be a realized, calm, responsible, and wise individual, ready for the last manusa yadnya, marriage. Each of these rituals mark an important stage or transition in an individual’s life, as they grow in maturity, spirituality, and responsibility, preparing them for the final stage in the Hindu life cycle, cremation (ngaben) (Jenson 21). After reincarnation, the life cycle comes full circle, bringing one back to the Balinese childhood rituals all over again. 

Bibliography and Related Readings

Barth, Fredrik. 1993. Balinese Worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Belo, Jane. 1970. Traditional Balinese Culture: Essays. New York: Columbia University Press.

Boon, James A. 1977. The Anthropological Romance of Bali, 1597-1972: Dynamic Perspectives in Marriage and Caste, Politics, and Religion. Vol. 1. Cambridge;New York;: Cambridge University Press.

Fischer, Clare B, and Luh Estiti Andarawati. 1998. “Tooth-Filing in Bali: One Woman’s Experience.” Journal of Ritual Studies 12 (1): 39–46. http://search.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000919826&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Geertz, Hildred. 2004. The Life of a Balinese Temple: Artistry, Imagination, and History

Peasant Village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Howe, Leo and MyiLibrary. 2005; 2006;. The Changing World of Bali: Religion, Society and Tourism. New York; Oxon;: Routledge.

Jensen, Gordon D. and Luh Ketut Suryani. 1992. The Balinese People: A Reinvestigation of Character. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press.

Lansing, John Stephen. 1995. The Balinese. Toronto; Fort Worth, Tex;: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Lim, Robin. 1997. “Growing Up in the Sea of Milk…Bali’s Ritual for Babies.” The Journal of Perinatal Education 6 (1) (Mar 31): 49-57. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/docview/203562417?accountid=12063.

Peacock, James L. 1973. Indonesia: An Anthropological Perspective. Pacific Palisades, Calif: Goodyear Pub. Co.

Williams, Victoria and Inc ebrary. 2017; 2016;. Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: From Baby Showers to Funerals. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.

Further Areas of Study:

Marriage

Ngaben

Manusa Yadnya

Separation and burial of placenta ritual

Seven-day ritual

One-month ritual

Month and seven-day ritual

Sibling spirits

Brahmin priests

Shadow puppet displays

bia kaon

Snag Hyang Semara-Raith

Related Articles for more info:

https://www.balispirit.com/community/ceremony-family

https://www.candidasanetwork.com/traditions-in-bali/childhood-ceremonies

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4757062/Indonesian-teenagers-teeth-filed-village-ritual.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balinese_Hinduism

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Article written by Mackenzie Kure (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

Death rituals in Bali

            While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

            Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

            Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44). 

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is  carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

Public Cremation in Bali

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014)Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010)  “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Related topics

Antyesti

Indian Ngaben

Pitru Paksha

Raj Ghat

Rasam Pagri

Zoroastrian Funerals

Websites

www.baligoldentour.com/ngaben.php

www.scattering-ashes.co.uk/different-cultures/balinese-ceremony-ngaben/.

https://latitudes.nu/%E2%80%9Cngaben%E2%80%9D-the-balinese-cremation-ceremony-of-the-empress-of-ubud/

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2396549/Sixty-bodies-burned-mass-cremation-Bali.html

Article written by: Michael McTighe (February 2020) who is solely responsible for this content

Pura Besakih and Gunung (Mount) Agung

Gunung (Mount) Agung is the largest and most active volcano in Bali, Indonesia. Standing at 3000 feet, it is the highest peak on the island (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). Surrounding this mountain, are many little villages composed mainly of Balinese Hindus. At the base of Gunung Agung lies a group of sacred Hindu temples known as Pura Besakih. This refers to a complex of sacred temples located in the adat village of Besakih on the island, as opposed to one singular temple (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2).

Pura Besakih contains the most sacred and influential Hindu temples known to Balinese Hinduism, the most influential being Pura Pentaron Agung (Stuart-Fox 79). The origin of the development of Pura Besakih is not concrete. However, it is believed to have been built sometime in the 11th century, before the construction of both the Sukuh and Cetho temples which were built in the 15th century. It is a very popular tourist attraction for individuals around the world, known for hosting some of the religion’s largest religious rituals critical to Balinese Hinduism (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 26). Each temple is built on a separate mountain ridge on the great volcano, constructed in the form of punden berundak (terraces). This particular design represents a belief that past inhabitants of the region possessed. They had believed that each terrace increased in holiness as it increased in height (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 27). For example, if a particular temple had four terraces, the highest (fourth) would be the one that was considered closest to the spiritual realm, therefore, the holiest. In contrast to other Hindu temples located in Asia, these temples belonging to Pura Besakih are like no other. The temples have a structure similar to that of a courtyard, with no walls. They contain a row of shrines and altars to several gods located at the “upstream” or “mountainwards” (kaja) corner of the innermost courtyard. This is unique to other Hindu temples in Asia as most are built to honor a singular god and are typically structured as buildings (Lansing 66). The specific temple structure on the island of Bali reflects the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism as it is a combination of both Hinduism and Buddhism, this particular religion is widely practiced throughout Bali but is not common in many other regions of Asia, that practice more orthodox Hinduism, as well as Indonesia where many identify as Muslims (Rodrigues 347).

            There are many villages on the island of Bali, and like their temples, they are unique. As explained by David Stuart-Fox (2002), no village is independent of another as their rituals and economy influence the other villages, similar to a food web (54). Each customary or traditional (adat) village contains different temples that are primarily responsible for, whether it be for aesthetic reasons or preparations for future rituals. Within the obligations of an adat village, certain groups and families are also responsible for the maintenance and rituals of certain temples and may have different relationships with each temple (54). There are two different types of relationships between the temples and villagers of Besakih as well as the rest of Bali. These relationships are known as pangamong and maturan relationships. ‘Support’ or pangamon relationships entails full responsibility for the enactment of ritual (55). In other words, those who have a pangamon relationship with a temple are responsible for the organization and carrying-out of rituals. This may include providing manual labor to maintain the condition of the temple or paying dues (uran) in order to pay for future rituals. The other type of relationship, maturan, is voluntary in nature. Compared to pangamon relationships, they are not obligatory and instead of providing means for a ritual, they are offerings given to specific gods or ancestors of a family on an individual basis (55). Both cases of these relationships are seen throughout the sacred temples of Besakih.

There are specific rituals practiced in specific temples, determined by different factors. One factor that contributes to the type of rituals that are performed is determined by a hierarchical organization of the temples within the Pura Besakih. These may influence the type of relationship that villagers have with a temple in Bali. The sacredness of each temple is systematically classified based on a number of aspects. These include the regional location of the said temple, agriculture and irrigation surrounding it, and descent (Stuart-Fox 53). Descent refers to the group or family that the temple belongs to, some hold a greater social status than others and the placement of a temple on the hierarchical system of Bali resonates with that.

 In the case of Besakih, the most sacred temple is Pura Pentaron Agung and also the largest. Stuart-Fox describes the temple as being located in the center of Pura Besakih (70). Pura Pentaron Agung is considered to be a ‘general public temple’. This means that it is non-specific to Balinese Hinduism as it is also visited by many other Hindus in Indonesia, as well as many tourists. It is not privately supported, in fact, it is maintained by Parisada Hindu Dharma Pusat, the official national Hindu organization of Indonesia (71). Not only is Pura Pentaron Agung the most sacred and largest temple in Besakih, but it is also the only temple within the complex to contain a shrine known as the Triple Padmasana or lotus seat. This shrine in its uniqueness is the most influential one located in Pura Besakih and is the only lotus seat (padmasana) shrine in the area (79). The shrine sits atop a raised foundation with several engravings etched into the sides, on top of the foundation, are three identical statues lined in a row constructed in the shape of a small throne, at the base of these statues is Bedawange Nala, the cosmic turtle which is supporting these seats (80). The reasoning for constructing this specific shrine is not known, some scholars have theorized that it is to commemorate Sanghyang Widdhi Wasa, a highly regarded god in Bali Hinduism (81).

            The great mountain, Mount Agung is the highest peak on Bali, making it the most sacred mountain (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). It is surrounded by streams and two major rivers that run north and south of the mountain. Exotic vegetation grows all throughout the island encompassing the volcano creating a unique beauty and ecosystem. Despite its sacredness, no temples or shrines reside at the peak. This is partly due to the fact that it is an active volcano, but also has to do with the long and treacherous hike involved in reaching the peak of the summit. The fact that it is an active volcano can come with complications and previous eruptions have been difficult to predict (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2). This comes with ongoing risk for the civilians living on the island of Bali, yet many still reside in the area. A lot of climbers and/or tourists/climbers have gone missing, lost, fallen, and even died while doing the trekking/climbing (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). This climb, however, is viewed as being extremely spiritually purifying to Balinese Hindus and is often done by older practitioners of the religion. Climbing to the peak is considered to be very cleansing and a rather freeing experience to those that are able to conquer it. In an ancient Balinese myth, it is said that Gunung Agung is a broken-off piece of Mount Mahameru, metaphorically implying that the god of Mount Agung is the son of the god Mount Mahameru, the high god Pasupati (Stuart-Fox 2).

Besakih Temple Complex at the foot of Gunung Agung (Rodrigues 1978)

            Both Gunung Agung and Pura Besakih are extremely influential to the island of Bali both in the past and present. They have helped to shape the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism that encompasses both a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism. This unique religion has attracted tourists and religious scholars worldwide to this beautiful destination whether it be for curiosity or research. It provides a means for maintaining economic stability on the island and has also become an important factor for helping to provide future rituals, ceremonies, and festivals in order to maintain the unique culture of this sacred island.

                                                References and Further Readings

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese Temple: artistry, imagination, and history in a peasant village. Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Ardhana I Ketut, Seitwan I Ketut, Sulandjari Sulandjari (2018) “The Temple of Besakih, Sukuh and Cetho: The Dynamics of Cultural Heritage in the Context of Sustainable Tourism Development in Bali. Indonesia: E-Journal of Cultural Studies 26-30.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Fortworth: Hartcourt Brace College Publishers.

I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari (2008) “Local Community Entrepreneurship in Mount Agung Trekking.” Journal of Physics Conference Series 953(1):012107. Accessed February 28, 2019. doi: 10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012107.

Stuart-Fox, David J. (2002) Pura Besakih: temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism – The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Adat villages of Bali

Banten Sane Munggah

Balinese culture

Balinese water temples

Bedawang Nala

Besakih Padmasana

Besakih Pedana

Besakih Pemangku

Bhatura Turun Kabeh

Bhuta yadna

Buddhism

Cetho Temple

Dewa Yadna

Lunar cycles

Maturan relationships

Mawinten

Pangamong relationships

Pasupati

Siva Raditya

Sukuh Temple

Village life of Bali

Yadna

Related Websites

http://www.besakihbali.com/

https://www.bali.com/temple_Karangasem_Pura-Besakih_83.html

https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/26/asia/mount-agung-eruption-bali-indonesia/index.html

https://www.volcanodiscovery.com/agung/news/66181/Gunung-Agung-volcano-Bali-Indonesia-eruption-has-begun.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Besakih_Temple

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount_Agung

Article written by: Anna Blackmore (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

The Prambanan Temple Complex

The Prambanan Temple Complex with the three towers dedicated to Siva, Visnu, and Brahma (Prambanan, Java, Indonesia)

Prambanan, located in the special district (daerah istimewa) of Yogyakarta, Indonesia, is a complex of temples dedicated to the Hindu Trimurti. Also known as Candi Prambanan or Lara Jonggrang, this complex is Hinduism’s largest site of temples in Indonesia (Bhargava 1440). Prambanan gets its name from its proximity to a nearby village. The name Lara Jonggrang directly translates to “slender maiden” and refers to the statue of Durga, the wife of Siva, within the temple (Levy 2018). Prambanan was designated a UNESCO world heritage site in 1999.

Prambanan’s history dates to around 850 CE when Rakai Pikatan, a king of the Sanjaya dynasty Medang Kingdom, built the first temple on the site. The site was later drastically expanded by Dyah Lokapala and Balitung Maha Sambu, the Sanjaya king of the Mataram Kingdom (Bhargava 1440).  With Prambanan being the center of most of the Mataram Kingdom’s sacrificial ceremonies (yajnas), it is believed Prambanan was the Mataram Kingdom’s royal temple. At the height of the Mataram Kingdom, Prambanan was home to many brahmins. Prambanan’s original name was Siwagrha, the house of Siva, and was originally designed to imitate Siva’s home, Mount Meru (Bhargava 1441). According to the Shivagrha Inscription of 856 CE, the temple was also dedicated to Siva.

Contemporary political perspectives suggest the construction and subsequent expansion of Prambanan was in response to the completion of Borobudur, a massive nearby Buddhist complex. Borobudur is Java’s largest Candi, or complex of temples, attributable to the Buddhist dynasty of Sailendra (Lanti 429-430). Contemporary thought also hypothesizes Prambanan’s construction to have been made in celebration of Hindu rule returning to Java following the fall of the Sailendra Dynasty (Lanti 430).

According to Prambanan’s entry on UNESCO, as well as discussed by Jordaan, Prambanan was abandoned sometime between the tenth and eleventh century for a multitude of hypothesized reasons (Jordaan 20). It is suggested that a combination of natural disasters and a shift in political power pushed life in Prambanan to eastern Java, leaving Prambanan behind to decay (Jordaan 20). Prambanan was not rediscovered until the early nineteenth century when Lieutenant-Governor Raffles’ team came upon the temples by chance (Bhargava 1440). It is possible that when C.A. Lons toured Javanese temples in 1733, he could have possibly included Prambanan in his description of overgrown temples (Jordaan 13). However, it is generally agreed that Raffles takes the honour of discovering Prambanan.

Though it was discovered, and a full survey was commissioned, Prambanan was not cared for properly, with locals taking what they needed from the site without consideration for Prambanan’s preservation (Bhargava 1440). Furthermore, the first archeologist to lay his hands on the excavation process was J. W. IJzerman, an engineer and chair of the local amateur archeological association (Jordaan 14). He did so with poor methods by today’s standards and as such, lost important and irretrievable information (Jordaan 14). Even worse, the successor of the operations, Groneman, saw it fit to dispose of a substantial portion of Prambanan’s excavated rubble into the nearby river (Jordaan 15). This rubble included a considerable number of fragments of reliefs and statues from various parts of Prambanan (Jordaan 15). Due to this irreversible loss, scholars at the time considered reconstruction an impossibility (Jordaan 15). Thankfully the magnitude of loss was less than anticipated and in 1918, reconstruction on the main temple dedicated to Siva commenced (Jordaan 16). The main temple’s reconstruction finished in 1953 while ongoing reconstruction and restoration of Prambanan continues to this day (Kempers 197).

Prambanan consists of roughly two hundred and forty temples. Soekmono provides a physical description of Prambanan: “The complex consists of more than 200 shrines of varying sizes, distributed over 2 concentric square courtyards enclosed by walls with gateways on all 4 sides. The inner courtyard is 100 m square and contains the main shrines of the compound. The outer courtyard is 200 m square and contains subsidiary temples built on four tiered platforms that descend gradually from the walls of the central square. The entire compound is enclosed by a further, lower-lying square of 365×365 m, the walls of which are not parallel to the other two enclosure walls” (Soekmono 1). Located in the inner courtyard, there are three major temples dedicated to Siva, Visnu and Brahma, as well as three temples parallel with the three major temples, which are referred to as the vahana temples (UNESCO). The word vahana roughly translates to “mount,” meaning each of these temples are believed to have housed worship to each respective member of the Trimurti’s mount. However, evidence of such worship and dedication to the respective mounts is only found in Siva’s opposing temple (Kempers 193). It is believed that the temple opposite of Siva’s temple is for Nandi, the bull (Kempers 193). The other two temples are referred to as A and B, as there is no evidence of either Brahma’s or Visnu’s vahana in their respective opposing temple.

Statue of Siva in the central tower at Prambanan (Java, Indonesia)

The temple dedicated to Siva stands the tallest measuring in at forty-seven meters. Within the temple dedicated to Siva there are five chambers, four of which are in each cardinal direction while the last is in the middle, accessed via the eastern chamber (Jordaan 5). Within the eastern chamber lies a statue of Siva in his four-armed form. In the southern chamber there is a statue of Agastya, a revered Vedic sage and avatar of Brahma. In the western chamber is a statue of Siva’s elephant son, Ganesa. Lastly, in the northern chamber is the previously mentioned statue of Durga, depicted as the demon buffalo slayer, also referred to as Lara Jonggrang (Kempers 197). This statue gave rise to Javanese folktales surrounding the lore of the statue (Jordaan 12). It is said that long ago a war broke out between the kingdoms of ogre king Ratu Boko and neighbouring Pengging. Following king Ratu Boko’s defeat, a Pengging warrior named Bandung Bandawsa fell in love with Ratu Boko’s human daughter, Lara Jonggrang. After countless proposals of marriage, Lara gave in on one condition – Bandung Bandawsa would construct a complex of a thousand temples in one night. Being the warrior he was, Bandung accepted and began to summon spirits to aid him in his efforts. As the night progressed, Lara came to realise Bandung may complete the task. To fool him and his peons, Lara constructed a fire in the east, giving the illusion the sun was rising. As well, she rounded up all the women she could and began morning practices. When Bandung’s assistants heard the women preparing for the day and saw the “sun” was rising, they fled in fear of the light. Having completed only nine hundred ninety-nine temples (today’s Sewu), Bandung had failed. Upon finding out about Lara’s ploy, Bandung cursed her into becoming part of the thousand requested temples: she became the statue of Durga to be found in Siva’s temple. Also found within Siva’s temple, which spreads into Brahma’s temple, are bas-reliefs depicting scenes from Indonesia’s take on one of the great Hindu epics, the Ramayana.

Detail of Visnu image holding the discus and conch (Prambanan temple complex, Java, Indonesia)

To the north and south of Siva’s temple are two twin temples, both with only one room (Jordaan 7). To the south is Brahma’s temple; to the north is Visnu’s temple. Within both temples, a statue of either Brahma or Visnu can be found which is what gave rise to each temple’s association with their respective god. On the walls of Brahma’s temple is the continuation of the Ramayana from Siva’s temple. Carved into the walls of Visnu’s temple is the story of Krsna as the hero of the Mahabharata (Jordaan 7).

Detail of multi-headed Brahma image (Prambanan, Java, Indonesia).

Along with the six previously mentioned temples that fill the center of Prambanan are two apit temples or “flank” temples, the use of which is yet to be determined. They are positioned at the north and south entrances of the square and they face the center of the square, to cover the main six temple’s “flanks” (Jordaan 7). In the outer courtyard, remains of some two hundred smaller subsidiary temples reside, all of which are similar in make and decoration (Jordaan 9). In the further, lower lying square no remanence of temples have been found. It is hypothesized this was the area used to accommodate those practicing within Prambanan (Jordaan 9).

 

References and Further Recommended Readings

Bhargava, P. (2012) “Prambanan: A group of hindu temples in central java.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 73:1440-1441.

Jordaan, R. (1996) “Candi Prambanan; An Updated Introduction.” In Praise of Prambanan: 3-116. Leiden: Brill.

Kempers, Bernet (1996) “Prambanan 1954” in Praise of Prambanan: 191-226. Leiden: Brill.

Lanti, Irman G. (2002) “Candi of Java.” Encyclopedia of Modern Asia: 429-430. Great Barrington: Berkshire Publishing Group.

Levy, Michael (2018) “Prambanan.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Accessed on October 28th, 2018.

Soekmono, R. (2003) “Loro Jonggrang.” Oxford University Press. Accessed October 29th, 2018.

Unesco.org. (1991) “Prambanan Temple Compounds.” Unesco. Accessed October 28th, 2018.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Durga

Candi

Laksmi

Sarasvati

Ganesa

Sewu

Borobodur

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Siva

Nandi

Hinduism in Java

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prambanan

https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/642

http://www.accessibleindonesia.org/legend-lara-jonggrang/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Borobudur

http://www.ils.fr/candi/indonesie/candi_E.htm

Article written by: Nick Davis (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

Balinese Hinduism

Hinduism is a widely practiced religion focussed on the order of the cosmos, which is commonly referred to as Dharma. Opposite to Dharma is a disordering force known as Adharma. Finding balance between these two forces is a central goal in Hindu practice. These key elements originated in the Hindu traditions first found on the Indian subcontinent. As Hinduism spread to other areas of the world, it transformed slightly to accommodate to varying cultures. This is evident when observing Balinese Hinduism. Although Balinese Hindus worship the same gods and goddesses, perform similar rituals, and build sacred temples, there are certain elements that differ from Hindu practices in India. For example, Balinese Hinduism has united the Indian belief in divine beings with the Balinese belief in the protective nature of ancestors (Ariati 13). In addition, Balinese Hindus are not entirely vegetarians as most Hindus are, but they still maintain a Dharmic life style. Some of these differences may have occurred due to local beliefs and traditions of Balinese culture. Other differences may be due to the political changes in Bali that have occurred over the past few decades (Bakker 7).

Hinduism is among the five official religions practiced in Indonesia. The religious traditions of Hinduism emerged in Indonesia within the first millennium CE. Although Buddhism and Islam later replaced Hinduism in most of Indonesia, Bali maintained Hindu traditions. The spread of Hinduism has been thought to be due to settlers and colonists immigrating to these new lands. Although this may be true for some areas of the world, it appears to be false in the case of Bali. Recent research has suggested that the spread of Hinduism to Bali was largely due to allies between Hindus of India and the merchant class of Bali (Ariati 11). In particular, it was due to those among the priestly class of India that largely contributed to the spread of Hinduism in Bali. As described in the following quote, Hindu Brahmins were responsible for introducing elements of Indian culture to the island of Bali.

“Cultural and religious circumstances, the introduction of Sanskrit for writing, and the adoption of Buddhist and Hindu mythology were not the domain of traders. It is more likely that the princes who ruled small Indonesian kingdoms were influenced by priests and Brahmins from India. These priests would have been responsible for introducing a religion that allowed the king to identify himself with a deity or bodhisattva, reinforcing his temporal power. More abstract cultural elements also played a role, such as the concept of the cakravatin (universal ruler), varna or social class, the existence of a supreme supernatural power, rasa in aesthetics, and all the detailed artistic renderings of those concepts. Kingdoms that adopted Indic concepts of kingship were found in Kalimantan, Java, Sumatra and Bali” (Ariati 13).

By examining the rituals performed by Balinese Hindus, the differences between the Balinese and Indian Hindu tradition can be understood more clearly. Early rituals performed by the Balinese Hindus have been indicated through inscriptions which were written in traditional Sanskrit language. The oldest known inscriptions that suggest the presence of Hindu rituals in Indonesia predate between 350-400 CE. They describe gifts of cattle to a Brahmin community, which would indicate the use of ritualistic yupa posts. Unlike the traditional cattle sacrifice commonly performed in India, Balinese Hindus did not sacrifice the cattle. Instead, the cattle were purely given as gifts. This demonstrates the adjustment of traditional Hindu rituals to the culture found within the Indonesian archipelago. This newer form of Hinduism found in Bali has developed distinct local characteristics including the worship of ancestors, as well as animist beliefs. These characteristics set Balinese Hinduism apart from Hinduism of the Indian subcontinent. For the most part, Balinese Hinduism depends on five different groups of rituals known as the Panca Yadnya. The five ritualistic groups include: Dewa Yadnya, Manusa Yadnya, Resi Yadnya, Bhuta Yadnya, and Pitra Yadnya.

The first ritualistic group common among Balinese Hindus is dedicated to worshipping divine beings. This ritual, commonly known as Dewa Yadnya, involves temple festivals referred to as Odalan. The timing of such festivals follows the Balinese 210 day sacred year, or Pawukon. Often during Odalan shrines comprised of traditional Balinese decorations and offerings are built within the temples. In order to associate physical design with the varying degrees of sacred activity, the temples are built in three distinct courtyards. Each courtyard is dedicated to a particular activity. The Pendet dances take place in the outer courtyard to welcome the divine beings to the ceremony. The preparation of decorations and offerings take place in the middle courtyard. Finally, all worship occurs in the inner courtyards where the sacred shrines are located (Ariati 14). It is important to note that these temples are not just places of prayer and worship, but of socialization between sekala (visible beings) and niskala (invisible beings). In addition, there are certain rules that are strictly followed by the Balinese Hindus, including that which prohibits menstruating women to participate in this particular ritual. Although many westerners believe this is to exclude women, it is due to the Balinese belief that blood attracts negative spirits, and therefore puts menstruating women in danger.

The second ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus is known as Manusa Yadnya, which is the ritual of life cycles. Every Balinese Hindu is required to perform these life cycle rituals throughout their life span. Among the most important rituals in Manusa Yadnya are the three months ritual known as Telubulanin, the six months ritual known as Otonan, and the ‘tooth-filling’ ritual which is performed prior to marriage (Ariati 15). These rituals are of particular importance to Balinese Hindus for the purpose of cleansing and purifying one’s physical and spiritual self. As described below, life cycle rituals begin from the moment a person is born.

“In Balinese belief every baby is born with its four siblings called Kanda Empat. Those four siblings are represented physically by the blood, vernix caseosa, amniotic fluid and placenta which are born with the child and personified as potentially divine or demonic beings that can either protect or harm the baby depending on how we treat them.” (Ariati 15)

Another valued ritual is the Otonan ritual which can be thought of as the Balinese birthday. Unlike western birthdays that occur every 365 days, birthdays in Bali occur every 210 days. This ritual is performed for male Hindus throughout their entire life span, but for women, this ritual comes to an end after marriage. The tooth-filling ritual is the next important ritual in Balinese Hinduism. Depending on the level of Balinese language used, this ritual can be referred to as Mesangih or Mepandes. This ritual is performed either before or during the marriage ceremony in order to reduce any influences of six internal enemies known as Sadripu. These negative influences are reduced by filling the six upper teeth that are symbols of the six internal enemies. Each enemy is associated with a particular emotion. Kama is associated with lust. Lobha is associated with greed. Krodha is associated with anger. Mada is associated with drunkness. Moha is associated with spiritual confusion. Finally, Matsarya is associated with jealousy. All of these emotions, or states of being, are considered negative and therefore must be avoided.

As mentioned previously, rituals for divine beings are known as Dewa Yadnya, where as rituals for demonic beings are known as Bhuta Yadnya. The latter is the third significant ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus. This ritual is aimed at “appeasing the demonic spirits so that they are transformed into protective spirits” (Ariati 14). It is a significant ritual because the Balinese believe in spirits that are both visible (sekala) and invisible (niskala). These spirits can either be inhabited by humans or hosts of invisible beings that reside in land and space. Any being that is invisible can either be divine or demonic. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship with these invisible beings, the Balinese Hindus make offerings to them daily. These offerings become more elaborate on special occasions such as days within the lunar cycles. Offerings are normally given to demonic beings by laying them on the ground. This stems from the belief that demonic beings reside in the underworld below us. The simplest offering, known as bhuta-kala, consists of rice and banana leafs. Among the more elaborate offerings includes blood or flesh collected from the sacrificial animals. Through the gift of offerings, Balinese Hindus are able to transform demonic spirits into divine spirits that act to protect all who participate in the ritual.

The final ritualistic category is referred to as Pitra Yadnya, or post-modern rituals (Ariati 16). This ritual is significant because the aim is to liberate the soul (atman) to allow it to enter the ancestor realm. According to Balinese Hindu beliefs, the body is simply a microcosm of the universe comprised of five elements: pertiwi (earth), apah (water), teja (fire), bayu (air), and akasa (ether). When a person dies, these five elements must be returned to their place of origin to allow the soul, or atman, to be liberated. Ancestors can be worshipped at any family temple referred to as Sanggah or Merajan, depending on the level of language used. These temples house several shrines dedicated to the ancestors. One involves a wooden shrine that is divided into three segments representing the deceased ancestors of the family, as well as the three major Hindu deities: Visnu, Brahma, and Shiva. Depending on the family’s wealth, these rituals can be quite elaborate. If the cost of this ritual is quite high, then it can be assumed that the family involved is quite prosperous.

Several developments have been taking place in Bali over the past few decades. All developments have been taking place within an environment in which the government is dominant. Among the most significant developments include the development of Protestant and Catholic churches in Bali making Balinese Hindus the minority (Bakker 3). With this new development, Balinese Hinduism temporarily became the unofficial religion of Bali. This was largely due to the fact that the government would only recognize religions that focussed on the belief in one god. Although the Balinese Hindus were confronted with many challenges at this time, recent contact with Indian Hindus has helped to restore Hinduism in Bali to its previous state of religious dominance. Another significant feature of recent development in Bali has been the spread of Balinese inhabitants to other islands in the Indonesian archipelago including Java, Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan. This spread of Balinese inhabitants has created a spread of religious beliefs as well. Hinduism is no longer isolated to the island of Bali, making it more dominant within the Indonesian archipelago. To ensure the survival of Hinduism on other islands, instructions on Hindu practice and tradition are being taught in various schools. In particular, these teachers of Hinduism, also known as gurus, are ensuring that the concept of Dharma is reinforced (Bakker 8). In doing so, key elements of Hindu tradition are being maintained throughout the Indonesian archipelago, particularly on the island of Bali.

 

 

References

Bakker, Freek L. (1997) “Balinese Hinduism and the Indonesian State: Recent Developments.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 153, 1ste Afl. (1997), p. 15-41. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.

Picard, Michel (2011) “Balinese Religion in Search of Recognition: From ‘Agama Hindu Bali’ to ‘Agama Hindu’.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Vol. 167, No. 4 (2011), p. 482-510. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.

Wayan P. Ariati, Ni (2008) “Hindu Rituals in India and Bali.” In the Selected Works of Wayan P Ariati, p. 1-20. SIT Study Abroad.

 

Related Readings

Bakker, F.L., 1993, “The Struggle of the Hindu Balinese Intellectuals”, Amsterdam: VU University Press. -, forthcoming, The Renaissance of Balinese Hinduism in the Context of Independent Indonesia; Its Relationship with Polities’, Proceedings of the Euroseas

Bagus, G. ., 1993, “Cultural Tourism and Religious Belief Systems in Bali”, in: W. Nuryanti (ed.), Universal Tourism; Enriching

Eisman Jr., Fred B. 1990 Bali: Sekala & Niskala. Vol.: II: Essays on Society, Tradition and Craft. Berkeley-Singapore: Periplus Editions.

Swellengrebel, J., ed. 1960 Bali: Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual. The Hague: Van Hoeve.

 

Related Research Topics:

Odalan

Dewa Yadnya

Manusa Yadnya

Resi Yadnya

Bhuta Yadnya

Pitra Yadnya

Bhuta-kala

Sekala

Niskala

Vishnu

Brahma

Shiva

 

Related Websites:

https://sites.google.com/site/vaishnavasuvarnabhumi/ministries/daily-practices-of-balinese-hindu

http://www.discover-bali-indonesia.com/encyclopedia-caste-system-of-hinduism.html

 

Article written by: Jenn George (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its contents.

The Sanjaya Dynasty

The Sanjaya Dynasty was a Hinduism-based dynasty which existed in the central region of the modern day Island of Java, Indonesia (Kartaksuma 407). According to the Canggal Inscription, which was found on the slopes of Merbabu Mountain, the Sanjaya Dynasty was founded by King Sanjaya, Lord of Mataram, in approximately 732 CE (Kartaksuma 407-408). According to the inscription, Sanjaya came to power in central Java following the death of the previous king, Sanna, which left the region in a state of confusion (Van Der Muelen 30).  Sanajaya was able to restore order, and encouraged the worshipping of Hinduism in the region. The Cangall inscription contained King Sanjaya’s lingga, which was a representation of the Hindu god Siva, as well as praises of the deities Brahma and Visnu (Van der Muelen 18). This inscription showed that King Sanjaya was an active Hindu, and promoted the religion’s worship during the dynasty’s era. Following the death of King Sanjaya, there were 5 more kings who ruled in the Sanjaya Dynasty: Panangkaran, Rakai Warak, Rakai Garing, Rakai Pikatan, and lastly, Balitung, who died in 910 CE (Van der Muelen 30). The dynasty came to an end largely due to a migration out of central Java towards eastern Java, and it has been speculated that a major earthquake, which caused the eruption of a volcano in the area, led to this migration (Royo 138).

It was likely upon leaving Mataram and entering Eastern Java that those who were once ruled by the Sanjaya Dynasty were integrated into whichever kingdom they settled in, thus effectively ending the dynasty. It is also fair to assume that the Dynasty’s rule was likely weakened prior to this migration, thus not allowing it to take over the region migrated to, nor keep its lower-class under its rule. Lord Sanjaya himself had moved his palace several times and was able to move his Kraton (ruling city) during his rule and still maintain power, thus showing that a strong ruling class might have prevented the dynasty from ending (Van der Muelen 19).

Important to the development of this dynasty was the development of another, the Sailendra Dynasty, which followed Mahayana Buddhist principles. It appears as though these two dynasties competitive rivals, whose competing interests in the region which evidently led to conflict (Kartaksuma, 410). These two dynasties had family ties, specifically King Sanjaya, who had relations to members of the rival dynasty (Van der Muelen, 18). However, these relations eventually came to blows on 856 CE, when the Sanjayas defeated the Saliendras in a battle on the Ratubaka Plateau (Hall 354). During the time then, it would be fair to assume that this rivalry headed the spread of both Hinduism and Buddhism in Java. Interestingly, this rivalry between the two distinct dynasties represented two religions that, in current Indonesia, reflect less than five percent of the population. This rivalry also produced two of Indonesia’s most well-known and recognizable architectural structures: The Hindu Prambanan temple, and the Buddhist Borobudur.

The Prambanan temple was constructed during the rule of the Sanjaya Dynasty, and is a one of the only representations of the Sanjaya Dynasty which can still be seen today. Built approximately during the eighth to ninth century, the complex had over 200 temples within it strictly devoted to Hindu deities (Royo 137-138). Specifically, the Sanskrit epic, The Ramayana, was depicted throughout the complex, but representations were “given their own life and form in classical Indonesia” (Poortenaar 55). This temple was built about a half century after another major religious monument, Borobudur, was constructed by the rival Sailendra Dynasty (Poortenaar, 55). This rivalry can perhaps be used to explain why central Java has the highest concentration of Hindu and Buddhist temples on the Island. The temple itself was largely abandoned towards the end of the Sanjaya Dynasty in the mid-tenth century when the kingdom moved east (Royo 137-138). The complex also faced major damage in the 16th century when it was struck by another earthquake, and remained largely abandoned until it was rediscovered by Sir Stanford Raffles in the 19th century, leading to restoration attempts and eventually mass reconstruction of some of the temples, thus giving it a look which is believed to be fairly historically accurate (Poortenaar 55). It is considered to be one of the most eccentric and obvious symbols of Hinduism in Java, representing a time when Hinduism was hugely important to the region. This can be contrasted with today, where Hinduism is largely an isolated religion to the area, concentrated on the Island of Bali (Poortenaar 56).

It would seem then, that the Prambanan complex, which was designated a UNESCO world heritage site in 1991, is more acknowledged for its historical significance, rather than for its significance to the current religious landscape in Indonesia. According to a 2001 census, Muslims form the dominant religious group in Indonesia at 86.1%, followed by Protestants, Roman Catholics, unspecified groups, and Hinduism at 1.8% (CIA World Factbook). By these statistics, it can be seen that Hinduism only has a small minority of followers in the country. However, political conflict and tension in the 1960’s led the Indonesian government to declare five religions as officially state recognized: Islam, Catholicism, Protestant Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism (Hefner 97). This official state recognition, along with conversions in the Java region, have helped Hinduism grow in regions which previously had no history of Hindu tradition and worship (Hefner 93). This is important, if only to show that while Hinduism does not have the significant following it had during the Sanjaya dynasty, it does receive state recognition and even funding despite the fact that it only has a fairly small following when compared with other religions in Indonesia.

The Sanjaya Dynasty then, can be seen as a specific era during which Hinduism was openly worshipped and practiced. Indonesia today is known for its massive Islamic population, but perhaps the Sanjaya dynasty and specifically, the Prambanan complex temples which it left behind, can serve as a reminder of the once thriving Hindu culture that dominated the Island of Java in the eighth to tenth century.

Sources

C.I.A World Factbook (2011) Indonesia. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/id.html.

Hall, D. G. E. (1965) “Problems in Indonesian Historiography.” Pacific Affairs 39(3/4) 339-348.

Hefner, Robert W (2004) “Hindu Reform in an Islamizing Java: Pluralism and Peril.” In Ramstedt, Martin (Ed) (2004) Hinduism in Modern Indonesia: A Minority Religion between Local, National, and Global Interests. New York: Routledge-Curzon.

Kartakusuma, Richadiana (2006) “The Influence of Hindu-Buddhism on Javanese Culture and Society: Some Historical Notes from Selected Sources.” In Truman Simanjuntak (Ed) Archaeology: Indonesian Perspective. Jakarta: LIPI Press.

Poortenaar, Jane (2009) “Viewing the Borobudur. In Hellwig, Tineke & Tagliacozzo, Eric (Eds)  (2009) The Indonesian Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Durham: Duke University Press.

Royo, Alessandra Y Lopez (2003) “Dance in the 19th Century Java: A Methodology for the  Analysis and Reconstitution of Dance. The American School of Oriental Research, 66(3)   137-139.

Van der Muelen (1979) “King Sanjaya and His Successors.” Indonesia, 28(Oct), 17-54.

Additional Readings

Briggs, Lawrence Palmer (1950) “The Origin of the Sailendra Dynasty: Present Status in Question.” Journal of American Oriental Society, 70(2), 76-89.

Briggs, Lawrence Palmer (1950) “The Origin of the Sailendra Dynasty: Additional Note.” Journal of American Oriental Society, 72(1), 37-39.

Hall, D.E.G (1966) “ Recent Tendencies in the Study of Early Modern History of South-East Asia.” Pacific Affairs, 39(3/4), 339-348.

Hefner, Robert W (1985) Hindu Javanese: Tengger Tradition and Islam. Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Soekmono, R (1967) “A Geographical Reconstruction of Northeastern Central Java and the Location of Medang.” Indonesia 4(Oct), 1-7.

Related Subjects

Sailendra Dynasty

Prambanan

The Canggal Inscription

Carita Parahyangan

Kakawin Ramayana

Candi of Indonesia

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://indonesia-portal.co.uk/history-indonesia-2.html

http://www.indianetzone.com/35/king_sanjaya_founder_sanjaya_dynasty.htm

http://www.indo.com/indonesia/history.html

http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/642

http://heritages.wordpress.com/tag/sanjaya-dynasty/\

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2748.htm

Article written by Brad Robertson (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.

The Tenggerese Hindus of Java

The Tenggerese Hindus of Java

The Tenggerese Hindus are inhabitants of the Eastern highlands of Java. Ethnographic research on the Tengger culture is currently in dispute as numerous religions have been present on the Eastern Indonesian Island. Historically these regions have been under the influence of other religious practices but the Tengger people have “preserved a non-Islamic priestly tradition” (Hefner, 1985:3). Although ethnographically there are undisputed resolutions about different religious practices, the Tenggerese religious identity is still sometimes unclear between Hindu, Buddhist, animist, or kejawenJavanists” (Hefner, 1985:3). According to ethnographic research by Hefner in Java, the Tengger people are historically considered “insignificant” as they have “no courts, distinctive art, or literature” (Hefner, 1985:4). Their identity is formed through the festivals, myths and traditions that are performed throughout the region and display the beliefs of the Tenggerese Hindu culture through religious practices as they are continually practiced.

Clifford Geertz presents three different “varieties of Javanese Islam and correlated each with a particular social class” (Hefner, 1987:533). These are categorized and separated as“Abangan, or Javanist Muslim, tradition was described as a syncretic blend of animist, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic elements that was predominant among the mass of rural Javanese” (Hefner, 1987:533).  A hierarchy establishes the structure for the community identities and the “Priyayi tradition was identified as an elite heritage strongly influenced by the Hindu-Buddhist values of earlier Javanese courts and linked to Java’s traditional gentry” (Hefner, 1987:533).  Hefner points out that there is a basic distinction between the orthodox and abangan, or “Javanist” traditions. Although both are practiced, the Tengger people have avoided such contact while these traditions were further developed in the wake of the Indonesia’s “New Order” government that took shape after 1956-66” (Hefner, 1987:534). While traditional Muslim schools were developed throughout Indonesia it was the “Hindu-Buddhist monasteries of medieval Java” that contained “secluded compounds in which monks or other adepts studied and composed holy writings” (Bellah, 1965:98).  These schools provided a place where pilgrims could rest and the youth could undergo more teachings from the monks. The Tengger tradition and identity has developed out of a region that has not created a “self-contained political identity” (Hefner, 1985:9). Therefore the community’s preoccupation with the past has weighed heavily on the processes that have shaped the cultural practices and identity of the Tengger people.  The comparison of the Tengger people with their Javanese neighbours has made visible their desire to be considered Javanese. Hefner has stressed that the Tengger people are distinct, despite numerous differences such as “speech, etiquette, and, most importantly, religion” (Hefner, 1985:10).

The identity of the Tenggerese Hindus of Java is divided geographically and there is a struggle in determining a clear separation between Tenggerese and non-Tenggerese culture. Javanese society is separated, isolating the Tengger people in the Eastern highlands of Java. The economic and political ties extend beyond the region and provides difficulties for distinguishing between the Tenggerese and non- Tenggerese people. Mountain Pasuruan in the province of East Java is regency that is “the most heterogeneous in all Java” (Hefner, 1987:536).  The movement down south in the region, and towards the Tengger Mountains provides entry into a region where the cultural terrain changes.  Although “‘Madurese’ and ‘Madurized’ Javanese predominate in the lowlands, the uplands are largely Javanese” (Hefner, 1987:536). The geographical landscape provides a diverse area that is separated by a vast mountain range. Some of “the highest mountain terrains are home to a culturally and linguistically sub variant ethnic Javanese population known as Tengger or Tengger Javanese, re-owned throughout Java for having preserved the only explicitly non-Islamic priestly tradition since the fall of Java’s last major Hindu-Buddhist kingdom five centuries ago”(Hefner, 1987:536).

The highlands in this region are “inhabited by a mixed Muslim population of Madurese and Javanese (the Javanese predominate)” (Hefner, 1987:536).These groups are approximately “sixty thousand people residing in nineteen administrative villages in the mountain sub districts of Puspo and Tutur” (Hefner, 1987:536).  The Tengger people residing in these remote mountain territories focus on practicing farming techniques and subsistence agriculture. Because the majority of the Hindu population has long taken refuge in this area, they maintain the “more fertile and inaccessible terrains higher up the mountain slope, around Mount Bromo, at the center of Tengger highlands” (Hefner, 1987:536).  This area was inhabited by the Tengger people as a strategy of “resistance to the Dutch and the Mataram court in Central Java” (Hefner, 1987:536). The Tengger resistance against the Dutch shows their resiliency against colonization and indicates that they were protective over their culture and communities. Hefner notes that the “Dutch forces throughout their military campaign had decimated the Javanese population from Pasuruan to Blambangan” (Hefner, 1987: 537). Although the Dutch forces “acquired political sovereignty over this entire eastern territory and much of Java’s north coast” (Hefner, 1987:537) the Tenggerese Hindus fought for their religious beliefs and cultural practices.  In Blambangan, moreover, the Dutch encouraged “Hindu conversion to Islam, so as to distance the local population from their former allies in neighboring Hindu Bali” (Hefner, 1987:537).  However, the Tengger people remain with their Hindu population surrounding the area of Mount Bromo. By combining Tengger and Javanese rites and ritual styles the Tengger people were able to revitalize their tradition and maintain their cultural practices in Java.

The Tenggerese people, however; have defined themselves as Hindus. In the 1970’s Java’s half-million Hindus became subject to a “state sanctioned movement for Hindu reform” (Ramstedt, 2004:93).  Their social practices and cultural knowledge is distinctive and Tengger rites and ritual traditions are a clear marker of Tengger identity.  The appreciation of Tengger culture in Javanese civilization is one of the main reasons why the non-Islamic, priestly tradition has survived. Ramstedt notes that the “Parisada Hindu Dharma had taken hold in nearby Javanist areas of the countryside” (Ramstedt, 2004: 93). The Parisada was responsible for the inclusion of religious education into the public schools and initiated an ambitious project geared towards developing programmes that underwent temple construction. In 1984 there was a shift to focus on “Satya Hindu Dharma Indonesia” (Bakker, 1993:317). The council of the Indonesian Hindus was set up in order to design a course for the entire community of Indonesian Hindus.  Meanwhile the people of the island saw “Satya Hindu Dharma Indonesia had the task of propagating and strengthening true Hinduism in Indonesia” (Bakker, 1993:317).

The Tengger preservation of the tradition has permitted the continual practice and maintenance of the ancient traditions of Hinduism. The Tenggerese Hindus believe that there is a significant recognition of a king’s soul being “absorbed after death” (Stutterheim, 1931:2). Stutterheim (1931) looks at popular myth and shows that one practice involves the king as an incarnate and then at death it is believed that he should be “candied” (2). Once the king is candied a special monument contains his ashes and the corpse. This practice is derivative from the death goddess Durga. Only those candied were built in the Hindu temples and are long lasting because most of the Javanese temples were demolished.

Modern urban Hindus talk about Hinduism “being a ‘way of life’ rather than a religion” (Bharati, 1982:45). However, Hefner points out that the Tengger people have struggled to maintain their cultural practices as “the Hindu Tengger [have] been pushed further up into the highlands [and] assimilated into the economically dominant immigrant Muslim population” (Hefner, 1987:537).  The social organization and attitude towards such practices constructs knowledge, and proposes interaction “face-to face” (Hefner, 1985:12). Arguably this factor may be one significant reason why Hefner suggests that “oral traditions are more susceptible to revision and social feedback” (Hefner, 1985:12).

It is the oral traditions that have adapted overtime to the changing demands of society and have survived to carry on tradition. The oral traditions are suggested to be the original source and an “indestructible document belonging to one of the great (i.e. literate) religions” (Hefner, 1985:5). Although all traditions are not passed down orally, the cultural survival of a tradition is most dependent on “intellectual technology” (Hefner, 1985:13). The intellectual technology is the sacred scriptures that have been passed on and practiced. The dedication to scripture is a result of a social and political group’s commitment to “the system of restricted literacy that traditionally underlay the priests’ learning” (Hefner, 1985:13). The face to face process and the significance of cultural knowledge have allowed the Tenggerese Hindus of Java to define themselves through their religious practices that endure “strict discipline and formal training” (Hefner, 1985:13).

Priestly liturgy and popular religion is affected by numerous challenges that face the countryside in Java. The resiliency of Tengger culture can be in part owed to the practice and dedication of the Tenggerese Hindus.  Under the influence of other religions such as Islam, and Buddhism, Tenggerese identity is tested as the Tengger people define themselves in an “Islamizing Java” (Hefner, 1985:14).  However, the Tengger people illustrate their faith through the “hierarchy of languages” as only priests are given permission to “study and recite the prayers of the liturgy” (Hefner, 1985:14).

It is indicative of most communities or mountain sub districts in the surrounding area for the men with wealth to maintain their status by acquiring land. Once they acquire land they sponsor the “celebration of large ritual festivals (slametan) dedicated to the propitiation of village ancestors, territorial guardians, and the spirits of mountain land and water” (Hefner, 1987:538). According to Beatty (1996), the slametan or ritual meal is said to be “at the heart of Javanese popular culture” (271). Slametan takes place just after dark in the front room of a house. Offerings are placed on a mat and mark the beginning of the ritual practice. These annual festivals are carried out by the Tengger Hindus of Java and most importantly recognize and are performed at the “base of Mt. Bromo volcano” (Hefner, 1985:4).

Tengger religious rituals are supported annually and have become very distinct from the Muslim Javanese rites. The Javanese communities separate these rites and rituals as they separate Tengger and non-Tengger neighbouring communities. Festivals are a form of ritual that involves “the invitation of guests, the mobilization of festival labour, the exchange of food gifts” (Hefner, 1985:10). The creation of Mt. Bromo and the people of the Tengger Mountains are rarely taken seriously when the myths question Tengger identity and the legitimacy of their tradition, however; despite differences in religious ritual there are also concerns focused of the rituals of popular cults. By facing towards Mount Bromo or Mount Semeru while presenting an offering to the spirits, the Tengger people were able to show a sign of respect and acknowledgement towards the spirits that reside there. The belief and acknowledgement of the “nature of the spirit world are thus not generated by the liturgy alone, but are informed by concepts borrowed from the religious culture of larger Java” (Hefner, 1985:15).

Tenggerese Priest at a temple at the base of Mt. Bromo

Over the years, rites and rituals performed have had numerous cultural interpretations and popular accounts that are included in the festivities of some major festivals. This is apparent when discussing the regional festival of Kasada which explores how the “rite remembers a first-founding ancestor (cikal-bakal) who helped to establish Tengger society and religion by giving his life for their protection” (Hefner, 1985:16).  Similarly, the annual “all-souls festival in (Karo)” and other mythic accounts of the same rites and rituals have “addressed such Indic deities as Siva, Brahma, Visnu, Mahadewa, and Iswara” (Hefner, 1985:16). These rites and rituals provide a platform for Tengger religious practice to be involved and in turn respect the practices of others in larger Java. The rites and rituals are performed in order to “remove impurities from the souls of the dead, so that those spirits may rise (mentas) to the heavens” (Hefner, 1985:16).  The most remarkable moment in this rite is when the priest calls upon Siva while he is in his demonic incarnation as Kala. Although this is significant the villagers do not acknowledge its importance. Similarly the priest is identified as “resi pujangga, and includes a prayer known as the purwabumi (“prayer of world origins”), identical to a prayer of the same name recited in Bali by a ritual specialist known as the resi bujangga. The ritual parallel indicates that the priestly tradition [for the] Tengger was once linked to a form of popular Sivaism found in large areas of Java and Bali” (Hefner, 1985:16). The links that are recognized view ancestral religions and indicate that the Tengger people are aware of their histories and dependent upon the revival of ancient traditional practices.

The Tengger people have reshaped their cultural heritage in order to adapt to the surrounding plurality of Javanese society. Tengger identity is examined and the role of their tradition is undetermined on a national level as Islam has “played a great role in the redefinition of local and national identity” (Hefner, 1985:17). However, the Hindu reform movement allowed the Tengger people to redefine their heritage in relation to the larger society and the early Indic heritage that was once shadowed over by an Islamizing Java is now revitalizing its tradition through the Tengger Hindus of Java.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Bakker, F.L. (1993) “The Struggle of the Hindu Balinese Intellectuals: Development in Modern Hindu Thinking in Independent Indonesia”. Amsterdam, Netherlands: VU University Press.

Beatty, A. (1996). “Adam and Eve and Vishnu: Syncretism in the Javanese Slametan”. Cambridge: Wolfson College, Oxford.

Bellah, Robert N. (1965) “Religion and Progress in Modern Asia”. New York, USA: The Free Press: A division of the MacMillan Company.

Bharati, Agehananda. (1982) “Hindu Views and Ways and the Hindu-Muslim Interface: An Anthropological Assessment”. Santa Barbara, California: Ross- Erikson, Inc., Publishers.

Hefner, R. (1983) “Ritual and Cultural Reproduction in Non-Islamic Java”. A Journal of American Anthropological Association Durham, N. C10, 4, p. 665-683.

Hefner, Robert. (1985) “Hindu Javanese: Tengger Tradition and Islam”. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Hefner, R. (1987) “Java? Religion and Politics in Rural East Java”. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 46, No. 3, p. 533-554.

Hefner, Robert W. (1990) “The Political Economy of Mountain Java: An Interpretive History”. Vol. 20, No. 1 (Feb 1993) p. 207-208.

Mujiburrahman. (2001) “Religious Conversion in Indonesia: The Karo Batak and the Tengger Javanese”. Center for the Study of Christian and Muslim Relations: United Kingdom, Birmingham; Royaume-Uni.  Vol. 12, Issue. 1, p. 23-38.

Ramstedt, Martin. (2004) “Hinduism in Modern Indonesia: A Minority Religion between Local, National, and Global Interests”. London and New York: Routledge Curzon.

Stutterheim, Willem. (1931) “The Meaning of the Hindu-Javanese Candi. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 51, No.1, pp.1-15.

Related Sources for Further Investigation

Abangan

Brahma

Candi

Cikal-baka

Durga

Iswara

Javanists

Karo

Kasada

Kejawen

Madurese

Mahadewa

Mentas

Mount Bromo

Parisada

Pasuruan

Priyayi

Purwabumi

Resi Bujangga

Resi Pujangga

Siva

Sivaism

Slametan

Tengger People

Visnu

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?search=The+tenggerese+hindus+of+java&title=Special%3ASearch

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_in_Java

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_in_Indonesia

http://ced.ochs.org.uk/

http://www.jstor.org/discover

http://www.demotix.com/news/421139/kasada-festival-tenggerese-people

www.youtube.com/watch?v=AjOebbCTEH0

wichm.home.xs4all.nl/javmys1.html

Article written by Crystal Kensley (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.