Category Archives: I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

The Changu Narayan Temple

The Changu Narayan temple is a religious heritage site located in the Kathmandu Valley, historically known as the Nepa, or Nepal valley, in the province of Bhaktapur, Nepal. The country of Nepal has a very strong Hindu presence with roughly 80% of the population identifying as Hindu (Burke, 1). The temple is located on the top of a hill 12 kilometers east of Kathmandu, the capital and largest city in Nepal, and is surrounded by chimpak trees. The Changu Narayan temple is considered by most to be the oldest temple in Nepal’s history. The exact time when the temple was created is unknown, but it is said to have been created during the time of the Licchavi kingdom (400 – 750CE) (Sharma, 3). The temple pays homage to the deity Visnu and is considered the most important temple in the valley (Sharma, 1999, 8).

Kathmandu Valley from the hill upon which Changu Narayan is built, Nepal

This temple is one of four major temples in Nepal’s surrounding area dedicated to the Hindu deity Visnu. Changu Narayan is the earliest and most famous temple dedicated to Visnu, but many other temples dedicated to various other deities can be found throughout Nepal. Visnu first appears in the Rg Veda as a solar deity with a part of him representing the sun (Krishna, 7). Visnu has a wide variety of depictions across the various Hindu denominations. In early vedic religion Visnu was a minor god, but as the religion progressed he grew in strength and popularity until he was recognized as one of the most powerful gods in Hinduism (Krishna, 9).

The temple’s origin story stems from an ancient legend concerning the deity Visnu. Harsimran Kaur’s article summarizes the legend of the creation of the Changu Narayan temple and its relevance to Visnu. A gwala, or cow herder, had purchased a cow from a brahmin that was renowned for producing large quantities of milk. The gwala often took this cow to a forest of Champak trees to graze on the grass, however the cow would always go into the shade of its favourite tree where a boy would drink the cow’s milk. In the evenings, the gwala would return home to milk the cow but found that he would only get a small amount of milk from the cow. This trend continued for several days and the gwala became very sad. The gwala went back to the brahmin that sold him the cow and explained how the cow was no longer producing the large quantities of milk. The next day the brahmin and the gwala hid and observed the cow’s behaviour through the day. They noticed the little black boy drinking the cow’s milk and the two men thought that the boy must be a devil that lived in the cow’s favourite tree. The two men became furious and began to cut down the tree, but when they struck the tree they noticed human blood coming from it. The two got worried and feared that they had committed a serious crime. The Lord Visnu then emerged to the two men and explained that those events were not their fault. Visnu then told them his story of how he unintentionally killed Sudarshan’s father while hunting in the woods. Afterwards, he was cursed for his sins and wandered the earth until ending up on the Changu hill where he survived using the stolen cow’s milk. When the brahmin and the gwala cut down the tree, Visnu was decapitated and freed from his sins. After listening to Visnu’s words the two men decided to erect a temple in honour of Visnu. The temple has been considered sacred since the site was constructed (Kaur, 1).

Two-storied structure of Changu Narayan temple, before earthquake damage in 2015. Nepal

The Changu Narayan temple is a two story structure with copper and wood carvings all around it. The layout of the temple has been changed several times due to natural disasters damaging the temple. The four entrances to the temple all feature triple doorways that have been cut into the brick walls of the temple, and on the western entrance there are copper plated sheets molded over the carvings. The temple contains artworks from the fourth, ninth and thirteenth centuries, most of which are Newar art: work from the Newar people, an Indiginous Indo-Aryan group primarily from the Kathmandu Valley (Lo Bue et al., 1). Newa art is centered around Hindu and Buddhist deities, sculptures made in this art style use the lost-wax casting method (Lo Bue et al., 1). The most valued art piece is an earthquake damaged sculpture of Visnu in his universal form – Vishvarupa. Two other structures just outside of the temple are devoted to Laksmi. The centre of the temple has a mandapa, a hallway supported by pillars and a roof, that is used for public rituals. The mandapa was contributed to the temple by Jayprakash Malla, the final king of the Malla dynasty that ruled over the Kathmandu valley from 1200 – 1770 CE. Archaeologists suggest that the mandapa was the origin of the temple and that the brick walls that surround the temple were built afterwards (Sharma,  9).

Visnu in his Narasimha (Man-lion) avatara depicted in a superb sculpture at Changu Narayan Temple, Nepal.

A stone pillar stands outside of the entrance to the temple with Sanskrit writings on it referencing king Manadeva and his mother queen Rajyavati of the Licchavi dynasty (Riccardi, 611). The pillar once stood directly directly in front of the shrine, but was knocked over and damaged sometime in the eighteenth century; as a result, the pillar now sits to the side of the entrance to the temple. Part of the inscription from the pillar was buried in the ground until 1899 when permission was given to dig up the lost section of the inscription and the pillar was fully read for the first time in recent years. The inscription is carved into three sides of the pillar with the first portion that was damaged when the pillar fell now on the northward facing side. The other two sides are in almost perfect condition. The first side of the pillar describes Sankaradeva, the son of the king Bhupalendra, who was renowned for his “perfect actions” and “upholding of Dharma” (Riccardi,  617). Sankaradeva gained permission from his father to expand the kingdom and through his actions became “as pure as moonlight in mind and body”  (Riccardi,  617). The second side explains how Sankaradeva’s father dies and ascends to “the third heaven” (Riccardi,  617). Rajyavati the “true wife of the king” and Sankaradeva’s mother told him to rule in his father’s place after his passing (Riccardi, 618). The final side of the pillar explains Sankaradeva’s role as king Bhupalendra’s successor. Sankaradeva knew his devotion alone was not enough to repay his father. The boy was known for his wisdom as well as physical abilities and vowed to travel east to destroy his kingdom’s enemies. When Sankaradeva returned from the east having conquered several kings he was “pleased in spirit” and his devout mother Rajyavati should share her “happy heart” with her people (Riccardi, 618).

Bronze lintel over a doorway to Changu Narayan temple depicts Visnu. Nepal.

The Changu Narayan temple has been plagued with destruction since its creation and has been rebuilt on multiple occasions. The most recent of which was a 7.8 magnitude earthquake that affected most of Nepal and killed over nine thousand Nepalese people in April of 2015 (Mendoza, 11). A few of the main support pillars were compromised during the earthquake and a large granite slab fell from the second story laying next to a brass bell tangled in prayer flags. As the temple is upwards of thirteen hundred years old the structural integrity of the temple is not what it once was, combined with illegal mining operations at the base of the hill (Burke, 1). A British architect named John Sanday led an effort to restore the temple, but was appalled to see the state of the temple after the disaster (Mendoza, 11). Pillars and walls of the temple had been destroyed leaving large piles of rubble and debris strewn across the courtyard. The people living in the Changu village were distraught from the earthquake but offered what little they could to contribute to seeing the temple rebuilt to its former glory (Mendoza, 11).

Changu Narayan temple undergoing reconstruction in 2017 after the devastating earthquake in 2015. Nepal

The country of Nepal relies on tourism, making up approximately 10% of the country’s total GDP, so with their famous landmarks being so greatly affected it impacts their culture and the country as a whole. Many of the people around the Kathmandu area have taken issue with the government’s treatment of the sacred site and blame the destruction on corrupt officials (Burke,  1). Global efforts have been started to reconstruct the temple; for example, Germany has contributed thirty thousand dollars of the needed three hundred thousand to start repairs on the heritage site (Mendoza, 11). In Nepal many aspects of ways of life are interconnected from religious to historical to economic elements. The residents around the temple have come together under a common goal of fixing the temple, not only for personal use, but for the benefit of Nepal as a whole.

Artisans sell wood carvings to tourists en route to Changu Narayan temple.

References

Burke Jason (2015) “Nepal begins to assess its cultural losses after earthquake; Many

internationally recognised monuments preserved intact for centuries have been destroyed, but hope remains that Nepal’s shattered heritage sites can be rebuilt”. The Guardian 1:1 https://advance-lexis-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/api/document?collection=news&id=urn:contentItem:5FWH-FCM1-JCJY-G3JX-00000-00&context=1516831.

Kaur Harsimran.  (2017). “Changu Narayan: Ancient Hindu Temple in Nepal’s History:

Historical Significance.” 1:1 Accessed February 18, 2020 https://www.newsgram.com/ancient-hindu-temple-changu-narayan-in-nepal

Krishna, Nanditha (2001) The Book of Vishnu. New York: Penguin

Lo Bue, Erberto F., Ian Alsop, Adalbert J. Gail, Eric Chazot, Theodore Riccardi jr, Mary

Shepherd Slusser, John Sanday, Gautam Vajracharya, T. P. B. Riley-Smith, Anne Vergati, Susi Dunsmore, Bronwen Bledsoe, Ken Teague, and Judith Chase (2003) “Nepal.” Grove Art Online. 1:2-38 Accessed 18 Feb. 2020. doi:10.1093/9781884446054

Mendoza Martha (2017) “Architect rebuilds ancient temple.”The Associated Press Telegraph

Herald 1:11.

Riccardi, T. (1989) “The Inscription of King Mānadeva at Changu Narayan.” Journal of the

American Oriental Society 109(4):611-620 Accessed February 19, 2020 doi:10.2307/604086

Sharma, Prayag Raj (1999) “A Fresh Look At The Origin And Forms Of Early Temples

In The Kathmandu Valley.” Nepalese Studies 26: 8-9. http://www.thlib.org/static/reprints/contributions/CNAS_26_01_01.pdf.

Related Topics For Further Investigation

Visnu

Vishvarupa

Gwala

Brahmin

Licchavi kingdom

Rg Veda

Newar People

Lost-wax Casting

Indo-Aryan / Indic people

Prayer Flags

Mandapa

Related Websites

Changu Narayan Wikipedia Page

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Changu_Narayan_Temple

General Information on The Temple

https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/changu-narayan

Pictures Documenting Damage From the Earthquake

https://rubinmuseum.org/page/then-and-now-changu-narayan

The Inscription on The Pillar Dedicated to King Manadeva

https://www.jstor.org/stable/604086?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

This article was written by: Ross Visser (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content.

Kedarnath: Temple and Pilgrimage

 Kedarnath temple is a Saivitepilgrimage place in the Himalayan mountains, where according to tradition, Lord Siva manifested in his form as a linga of light (Whitmore 74). Kedarnath pilgrimage is a member of the four abodes system (char dham). The Kedarnath temple is located amidst the tall Himalayan Mountains and is one of the holiest Hindu places on the Indian subcontinent. The pilgrimage to Kedarnath is a difficult one for the pilgrims (yatris) due to the location of the temple which sits on top of a Himalayan mountain at an altitude of 3553 meters, a region often cited as “land of gods” (dev-Bhumi). Kedarnath is a “crossing-over place” (tirtha) that offers the possibility that one can “cross-over” the ocean of rebirth. Furthermore, Hindus consider pilgrimage (yatra) to Kedarnath as one that grants wishes, heals, and purifies karma. (Whitmore 7). In a general sense, the positioning of Kedarnath is in the shape of a linga. According to Hindu beliefs, by praying to Kedareshwar, one can get one’s desires fulfilled. The importance of the shrine can be further understood from the beliefs that Upamanyu (a rgvedic rsi) prayed to Lord Siva in this place in the Satya Yuga and the Pandavas worshipped Lord Siva here after the Mahabharata war(Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W 9). The journey to Kedarnath is difficult, yet most Hindu pilgrims (yatris) undertake this pilgrimage to destroy their sins (pap) and generate merit (punya) (Whitmore 5). This Yatra is pursued especially by Hindus who are in samnyasin stage of their life. The overview of Kedarnath presents a Hindu pilgrimage (yatri) with a unique opportunity to experience, worship, and to be in the conjoined presence of Siva and Ganga in this world (Sijapati, M. A., & Birkenholtz, J. V. 2).

         The origin of Kedarnath temple is a debatable issue, but the most prominent view by devotees about its construction suggests that the Pandavasconstructed it. It was revived later by Adi Sankaracarya but nothing can be said about the date of construction of the temple with certainty (Thapliyal, U. P 1). Claims like these are common in Hindu religious literature, academics do not regard these myths as historically accurate.

           According to the old accounts, Kedarnath is one of the places correlated with the climb to heaven (swargarohan) of the five Pandavasand their joint wife Draupadi. The Pandavas were desperate to cleanse themselves of the karma generated during the Kurukshetra war in which they killed their own cousins (the Kauravas), narrated in the Mahabharata epic (Whitmore 29). Having felt guilty of killing their own cousins, the Pandavas sought the blessings of Lord Siva for redemption. Siva eluded them repeatedly and while fleeing took refuge at Kedarnath in the form of a bull, a form commonly associated with demons (raksasas). Lord Siva, unhappy with the Pandavas, refused a meeting and left Kasi (Varanasi, U.P), his abode. He appeared as Nandi the bull in Guptakasi. In many versions of this story, the Pandavas identify Siva and grab him to prevent him from leaving. Each of the five Pandavas grabs a part of Siva, parts that remain in the landscape and then become the self-manifest rock lingas found in Kedarnath and the other four temples of the Saivite sect dedicated to god Shiva in the Garhwal region  (Panch Kedar)(Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W. 9).

Pilgrimage by foot (paidal-yatra) is the iconic form of yatra to the Kedarnath templeand exemplifies the pain (kasht) and inner production of focus and energy (tapas). Walking to Kedarnath barefoot was better and the traditional way for getting the full experience of the location, an experience that involved both pain and pleasure, but not every yatri is able to carry out this traditional method. Most yatris, prefer to ride on horseback, to be carried by porters, or to come by helicopter (Whitmore 127). Families that pursue this pilgrimage to Kedarnath or any other dham mention that one purpose of a yatra is to instill traditional values in the children of the family (Whitmore 127).

       Inside the temple, yatris who enter the temple in the morning are allowed to massage ghee into the linga. The puja itself is standardized and often include consecration (abhisheka) of the linga. Standard puja offerings usually include camphor, sacred thread, rice, incense, mustard oil, forehead adornments, raisins, split chickpeas, nuts, and more expensive pujas add scarves and plastic flower garlands (Whitmore 123). The general ritual procedure in Kedarnath would occur as follows: invocation (avahan), initial vow (sankalp), puja, arati, and offering of flowers (puspanjali), and finally, the ghee malish. Each member of the family would take ghee into their hands and be urged to massage the linga with ghee (clarified butter)while the priest (pujari) recites the mantra (Whitmore 123). For many yatris, massaging the linga, provides them a unique opportunity to experience intimacy with a famous and powerful form of God (Whitmore 78). Everyone irrespective of their skin colour, caste (jati) and creed is permitted to feel, touch, and express their devotion by smearing butter on the linga as a religious ritual (Hiremath, Shobha S. 1.)

Every year around 500,000 yatris visit the Kedarnath Dham valley, spaces in the eco­nomic catchment area of the Kedarnath valley became spaces predominantly aligned around the yatra tourism of middle-class pilgrims, who expect for comfortable travel. Hence, sheer numbers far exceeded the long-term carrying capacity of the mountain environment (Whitmore 103). This sudden growth of yatris in the Kedarnath region, the nature of economic development connected to pilgrimage and tourism, and poorly planned infrastructure were not sustainable, leading to vast devastation in the region.

           In 2013, the flash floods in the parts of the north-west Himalayan region caused acute damage in the Uttarakhand state of India. The severity of the floods and damage was the most devastating in the Kedarnath region. It caused the death of about 4000 people and almost a similar number were reported missing. Unofficial reports suggest an even higher number of death and people missing in the region (Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K 193).  The cause of the flash floods was determined to be heavy rainfall, triggering landslides in some places, damaging roads, buildings, and other infrastructure. The extensive damage and large death toll displayed the frangibility of the mountainous region and a lack of synchronized relief and rescue operation (Ziegler, A. D., Wasson, R. J., Bhardwaj, A., Sundriyal, Y. P., Sati, S. P., Juyal, N., … & Saklani, U, 1). Construction of several hydropower projects simultaneously, improper road alignment with poor construction, inadequate consideration of slope stability and faulty engineering techniques were some of the other major factors responsible for the 2013 flash floods (Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K 198).  During the disaster more than 100,000 yatris were in the region. Despite the floods, the Kedarnath shrine persevered, shielded by a massive boulder, a “divine rock” (divya sila), and by its own solid construc­tion, the temple itself held firm but filled up with debris (Whitmore 153). The unpredictability of the landscape and the continued extreme weather made it arduous for up to two days even to deliver supplies to the survivors, and some attempts even resulted in helicopter crashes. During the floods, dead bodies were coming down the Mandakini river and groups of survivors were coming out of the jungles and finding their way to villages in the upper Kedarnath. Consequently, all these events led to the closure of the Kedarnath temple.

       In Kedarnath, there is a tradition that when the shrine is closed it is the turn of divine beings to come to the site on pilgrimage while it is off limits for humans. On October 4, 2013, the first day of the fall Navaratri, Kedarnath re-opened for yatris (Whitmore 164).

       The Kedarnath valley being surrounded by the Himalayas, lakes, rivers, and forests has natural scenic beauty with several places for pilgrimage making the entire region a highly promising tourist destination. The occupation of the people living in the Kedarnath region is directly or indirectly linked with tourism, and tourism has established itself as a primary component in the Kedarnath valley economy. The relationship between residents and tourists can impact positively by providing new opportunities and negatively through restraining individuality with new restrictions (Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K 303).  Today, the accessibility to the Kedarnath temple compared to the last decade has become much more commodious because of better transportation provisions. The helicopter service for the Kedarnath shrine has been started for the pilgrims/tourist.

Though tourism in Kedarnath and the surrounding Himalayan regions have a huge potential for economic improvement, yet it has negatively affected the education of youth residing in Kedarnath. Much of the youth generation started working at an early age for immediate economic gain, neglecting their basic education (Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K 305).  “Particular constellations of social, political, and economic forces can over centuries transform the character of a particular pilgrimage place almost beyond recognition” (Whitmore 26).  Despite such a devastating flood in the Kedarnath Valley, the state government has no specific policy for develop­ment and planned construction keeping the environmental issues in mind. “Since the state leaders themselves are involved in hospitality and real estate, both overtly and covertly, no one actively discourages illegal construction” (Joshi, Hridayesh 133). Political leaders and the businessmen have not lost sight of the potential to further their own interests at the yatras, and both segments vie for advertising and merchandizing. Yet, Hindus considers it as a religious duty to embark on the pilgrimage of four holy shrines which include Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri, and Yamunotri (Chardham), the most captivating reason for this Hindu pilgrimage is that this trip washes away all the sins and cleanses the soul for paramount salvation.

                            References and other materials consulted

Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K (2011) Socio-cultural impacts of pilgrimage in Kedarnath and adjoining areas of Garhwal Himalayas. J. Env. Bio-Sci., 2011: Vol. 25 (2): 303-306

Hiremath, Shobha S. (2006) Kedar vairagya peetha: Parampara & Rawal Jagadguru Shri Bheemashankarlinga Shivacharya. Ukhimatha (Ushamath): Himavat Kedar Vairagya Simhasana Mahasamsthana.

Joshi, Hridayesh. (2016) Rage of the River: The Untold Story of Kedarnath Disaster. Translated by Vandana R. Singh. Gurgaon (Haryana), India: Penguin Books India.

Lochtefeld, J. (2010) God’s gateway: identity and meaning in a Hindu pilgrimage place. Oxford University Press.

Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W. (2017) Sacred groves: myths, beliefs, and biodiversity conservation—a case study from Western Himalaya, India. International journal of ecology2017.

Sijapati, M. A., & Birkenholtz, J. V. (Eds.) (2015) Religion and Modernity in the Himalaya. Routledge.

Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K. (2013) The fury of the floods in the north-west Himalayan region: the Kedarnath tragedy. Geomatics, Natural Hazards and Risk, 4(3), 193-201.

Thapliyal, U. P.(2005) Historical and Cultural Perspectives, B.R. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi,

Whitmore, L. (2018) Changes in Ritual Practice at the Himalayan Hindu Shrine of Kedarnath. Ritual Innovation: Strategic Interventions in South Asian Religion, 71-90.

Whitmore, L. (2018) Mountain, Water, Rock, God: Understanding Kedarnath in the Twenty-First Century. Oakland, California: University of California Press.

Ziegler, A. D., Wasson, R. J., Bhardwaj, A., Sundriyal, Y. P., Sati, S. P., Juyal, N., … & Saklani, U. (2014) Pilgrims, progress, and the political economy of disaster preparedness–the example of the 2013 Uttarakhand flood and Kedarnath disaster. Hydrological Processes, 28(24), 5985-5990.

                             Related Topics for Further Investigation    

Char Dham Yatra

Linga

Mahabharata

Pandavas

Kauravas

Panch Kedar

Navaratri

                        Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://chardham.euttaranchal.com/

https://indianexpress.com/article/research/here-is-what-happened-in-kedarnath-and-rest-of-uttarakhand-in-2013-5482050/

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/temple-town-to-ghost-town-kedarnath-before-and-after-flash-flood-41449

https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/kedarnath-temple-opens-for-pilgrims-why-this-temple-in-uttarakhand-is-famous-1520807-2019-05-09

https://www.sacredyatra.com/kedarnath

https://www.deccanherald.com/specials/kedarnath-history-legend-and-sacred-journeys-738758.html

Article written by: Gagan Preet Singh (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content

Vaisno Devi

Vaisno Devi is a goddess in the Hindu religion.  She is worshipped in northwest India where her shrine is located on Trikut Mountain in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (Foulston and Abbott 193, 195).   Millions of pilgrims go there each year.  As a mother to her devotees, she is a protector and giver of benefits (Rohe 74).  She is therefore known as Mata Vaisno Devi, or Mother Vaisno Devi (Rohe 57, 68).  

     Hindu mythology explains that Vaisno Devi was created during the second age, the Treta Yuga, by the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali.  These goddesses are manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Foulston and Abbott 194).  They came together and used their powers to create Vaisno Devi.  During the Treta Yuga the world was struggling with strife and the forces of the demonic world.  The world needed a guardian, therefore the creation of Vaisno Devi (Khanna 187).  

     There are a variety of myths about Vaisno Devi.  One myth in particular says she was born on earth as the daughter of a merchant named Ratnasagar and was named Trikuta.  Trikuta wished to marry Rama, one of the ten incarnations of Visnu, but was told by Rama himself that he could not marry her as he was faithfully pledged to Sita his wife (Foulston and Abbott 50, 194).  Not to be disappointed, Trikuta persisted, and eventually was told by Rama that if she could recognize him when he returned to her, he would marry her.  Rama later returned as an elderly man and was unrecognizable to Trikuta.  Rama then told her that he would return in the fourth age, the Kali Yuga, as Kalki, the last and final incarnation of Visnu.  Trikuta could then become his consort.  Until that time, Trikuta should stay on Trikut Mountain, where she ought to practice asceticism and would eventually become known as Vaisno Devi (Erndl 40-41). 

     Another myth describes Vaisno Devi’s appearance to a Brahmin priest thousands of years after her birth on earth.  The priest, Sridhar, was holding a ritual for the purpose of attaining a male son, when Vaisno Devi appeared to him (Erndl 41).  She told Sridhar to serve a feast for the villagers and those living around the village.  While inviting the villagers to the feast, Sridhar met a man by the name of Gorakhnath, the leader of an order of mendicants.  Gorakhnath mockingly told Sridhar that he would not be able to feed Gorakhnath and all his followers.  Nevertheless, the next day, everyone gathered for the feast and they were served by Vaisno Devi.  One of the mendicants, Bhairo, complained about the food, stating that he wanted meat and not the vegetarian food that Vaisno Devi was serving.  Vaisno Devi told him that as the food was being served at a Vaisnavafeast, he should not complain.  Bhairo became angry and reached for Vaisno Devi, but she disappeared and fled to Trikut Mountain (Erndl 41-42).  Bhairo, who looked at her with lust, pursued her (Rohe 60).  When she arrived at Trikut Mountain, she crawled into a cave and stayed there for nine months where she practiced asceticism.  When Bhairo found her, Vaisno Devi opened the back of the cave with her wand and crawled out with Bhairo continuing to pursue her.  She entered another cave and according to one version of this myth, transformed herself into the terrifying manifestation of the goddess Candi.  She then cut off Bhairo’s head.  As he was being decapitated, he repented, calling Vaisno Devi “Mother.”  His head can now be seen as a rock at the cave’s mouth where it is venerated by pilgrims (Erndl 41-42). 

     The mythology of Vaisno Devi has led to the worship of her at the Holy Shrine of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Ji on Trikut Mountain.  Pilgrims climb fourteen kilometers up the mountain to the mouth of the cave.  When the pilgrims reach there, they crawl through a ninety-foot tunnel which has a stream running through it called the Charan Ganga (Foulston and Abbott 196-197).  At the end of the tunnel is the most important aspect of the shrine, three jutting rocks or pindis (Erndl 39).  These three pindis, which are venerated by the pilgrims,each embodies the three cosmic manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi.  These three manifestations are the goddesses Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali; they are referred to as the sakta trinity (Erndl 4).  The shrine of Vaisno Devi “is the only shrine in India to house natural forms of the three cosmic goddesses” (Foulston and Abbott 196).  Vaisno Devi, who in turn is the manifestation of the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali, holds their cosmic powers or saktis (Erndl 39).  They in turn each hold the powers of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Tewari 4).  A pilgrim goes to the shrine of Vaisno Devi only when the pilgrim believes Vaisno Devi has called him or her individually (Rohe 61-62).  It has been found that “undertaking the pilgrimage annually contributes to the well-being of her devotees” (Pandya 735).  

      Vaisno Devi is considered by her followers to be Mahadevi, the Great Goddess herself, since Vaisno Devi is the manifestation of the three goddesses and their three powers (Rohe 71).  In Hinduism, Mahadevi is the goddess who embodies sakti, the feminine power that creates and holds the universe together (Kinsley 133).  Mahadevi “oversees” the “cosmic functions” of creation, preservation, and destruction (Kinsley 137).  These three powers are present in the rocks or pindis representing the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali (Tewari 4).  Mahasarasvati holds the sakti of creation, Mahalaksmi holds the sakti of preservation, and Mahakali holds the sakti of destruction (Rodrigues 441).  

     Vaisno Devi is also considered to be one of two contrasting sides to Mahadevi; the other being the goddess Kali.  The contrasting sides are reflected in two different dispositions and personalities.  Kali is the harsh and bloody side of Mahadevi.  She is depicted with dark skin, often with a necklace of skulls around her neck, and is known for drinking the blood of demons.  She is carnivorous, and as such, she is associated with animal sacrifice.  Vaisno Devi is the peaceful and serene side of Mahadevi.  She is associated with vegetarianism, and is not worshipped with animal sacrifice (Erndl 4-5).  

     In Hinduism, vegetarianism is a form of ritual purity and it is because of this that Vaisno Devi and her shrine stand out among other Hindu shrines (Foster and Stoddard 113).  As illustrated in the second myth, Vaisno Devi serves only vegetarian food at the feast. This validates her status as a vegetarian. The name Vaisno is actually translated in northwestern India as “vegetarianism” even though it literally means “in the style or manner of Visnu and followers” (Foster and Stoddard 113).  Vegetarianism protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  She is closely associated with the god Visnu partly due to this vegetarian ideal (Rohe 66).  

     Vaisno Devi is also associated with virginity (Rohe 70).  Virginity, like vegetarianism, protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  The importance of her virginity is shown in the myth and is made apparent by Bhairo’s lust and pursuit of her.  A variation of this myth says it was the goddess Kali that Vaisno Devi transformed herself into when she killed Bhairo. This was so that she, as the goddess Vaisno Devi, would not spill someone’s blood.  The reason for this is because blood shedding is associated with sexual relations.  In order to preserve her virginity, Vaisno Devi transformed herself into the dark and terrible Kali to shed Bhairo’s blood (Rohe 69).  At her shrine, it is common for the pilgrims to abstain from alcohol, meat, and sexual relations (Rohe 70). 

      Vaisno Devi is also a mother as well as a virgin, and her devotees consider themselves her children (Rohe 70).  There is a legend that says she changed the Charan Ganga into a stream of milk when milk was not available in the local area (Rohe 69).  This myth validates her status as mother.  Since Vaisno Devi is Mahadevi, and therefore sakti, it is believed all beings were born from her (Rohe 70).

     Hindu art portrays Vaisno Devi as beautiful and serene.  She is commonly shown to ride a lion or tiger (Erndl 4).  She has eight arms and holds a conch, club, and discus as well as a bow and arrow, sword, and trident.  Her clothes are red; she is gentle but strong.  Beside her are her two guardsmen, the monkey god, Hanuman, and Bhairo (Erndl 4).  

      Partly due to variations in legends or myths about Vaisno Devi, it can be difficult to exactly pinpoint her nature (Rohe 60).  No Hindu text gives definite knowledge of her, and understanding of her varies according to each person (Rohe 57).  However, her shrine on Trikut Mountain adds an element of certainty to her devotees about her role as a goddess as it is a concrete place where they can go to worship her.  It is on Trikut Mountain, Vaisno Devi’s home, where she reigns as the divine feminine power, giving blessings and support to her devotees.  

References and Further Recommended Reading

Brown, C. MacKenzie (1990) The Triumph of the Goddess: The Canonical Models and Theological Visions of the Devi-Bhagavata Purana. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Chitgopekar, Nilima (2003) The Book of Durga. New Delhi: Viking.

Erndl, Kathleen M. (1993) Victory to the Mother. New York: Oxford University Press.

Foster, Georgana, and Robert Stoddard (2010) “Vaishno Devi, the Most Famous Goddess Shrine                                               in the Siwaliks.” In Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia, edited by Rana P. B. Singh, 109-124. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars.                                                                            

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Thornhill: Sussex Academic Press. 

Hardon, John A. (1968) Religions of the World: Volume 1. Garden City: Image Books.

Hawley, John Stratton, and Vasudha Narayanan (eds.) (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Khanna, Madhu (2018) “Here Are the Daughters: Reclaiming the Girl Child (Kanya, Bala, Kumari) in the Empowering Tales and Rituals of Sakta Tantra.”  In The Oxford History of Hinduism: The Goddess, edited by Mandakranta Bose, 173-198. New York: Oxford University Press.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

Kinsley, David (1986) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kumarappa, Bharatan (1979) The Hindu Conception of the Deity. Delhi: Inter-India Publications.

Pandya, Samta (2015) “Pilgrimage and Devotion to the Divine Mother: Mental Well-being of Devotees of Mata Vaishno Devi.” Mental Health, Religion & Culture 18:9 726-737. Accessed January 22, 2020. doi:10.1080/13674676.2015.1112771.

Pintchman, Tracy (ed.) Seeking Mahadevi:  Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. Albany, NY:  State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism-The Ebook. Toronto: Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Rohe, Mark Edwin (2001) “The Greatness of Goddess Vaisno Devi.” In Seeking Mahadevi Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess, edited by Tracy Pintchman, 55-76. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Tewari, Lt. Col. Naren (1988) The Mother Goddess Vaisno Devi. New Delhi: Lancer International.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Candi

Bhairo

Hanuman

Hindu Art

Kali

Mahadevi

Mahalaksmi

Mahakali

Mahasarasvati

Rama

Ritual Purity

Sakti

Sita

Vaisnava

Vaisno Devi Mythology

Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.maavaishnodevi.org/

This article was written by:  Bernadette Remus (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content.

THE CITY OF HARWAR (HARIDVARA)

Hardwar is known to have historically gone through multiple names before it permanently became known as Hardwar. Some of these names are known as Ahoganga, Gangadvara, Mayapuri, Kapildvara (named after the sage Kapila) and Swargadwara, meaning the way to heaven (Karar 101). Hardwar lastingly got its name from the combination of “har” meaning “Lord Shiva” and “dwar” meaning “gateway to the land of Gods” (Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey 226). The first settlers of Hardwar are believed to have been the Rajputs of Pauri, more specifically Raja Islam Singh who is believed to be the founder of the city of Hardwar (Karar 101). Hardwar being ruled by the Rajputs of Pauri came to an end, but they are still found to be living in areas close to Hardwar. A wide range of communities are involved in the famous pilgrimage activities that occur in Hardwar. For example, during the Kanwar Mela, which is the largest yearly festival that takes place in Hardwar, Hindus from nearby cities of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Haryana “ritually carry the holy water of the Ganga in small pitchers” (Karar 102) known as Kanwar. Muslim artisans travel down to Hardwar to make these Kanwar.

            Hardwar is geographically positioned in northern India in Uttarakhand between the latitudinal parallel and longitudinal meridian (Sultan 9). The city has approximately 225, 235 inhabitants and is about 42.01km2 (Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey 227). Hardwar’s positioning contributes to the city being an extremely famous pilgrimage centre due to it being full of both natural and cultural tourism resources. Some of the natural resources include the Ganga river, hills, forests, elephants, tigers and jungle cats (Sultan 10), which also contributes to Hardwar’s aesthetic. The Ganga river is the most important factor in determining Hardwar’s religious significance as it is regarded as the most holy and scared river in the world to the Hindus since time that is immemorial (Bhutiani et al 1). Some of the cultural resources found in Hardwar are Temples, Ashrams and Dharamshalas. A major place of pilgrimage is the Maya Devi Temple located in Hardwar, which is the temple of the deity Adhisthatri and is known to be “where the heart and navel of Goddess Sati had fallen” (Sultan 11).

            Due to Hardwar’s religious/ritual significance there are many festivals and fairs that take place in the city. There is a religious festival that takes place almost every month: in January they celebrate the Makar Sakranti, the Maha Shivratri is celebrated from February-March, March-April is the Ram Navmi, in April they also celebrate Baisakhi, Buddha Poornima and Ganga Saptami are celebrated in May, Kanwar Mela is in June, Somwati Amavasya is in July, August holds the Janmashttmi, in October they celebrate the Durga Puja and finally, in November the Kartik Poornima is celebrated (Karar 103). Around 2-2.5 million people take part in these festivals (Sultan 11). As well, there is the Kumbha Mela. This festival only takes place every twelve years, marking when the sun is in Aries and Jupiter (Brihaspati) enters into the zodiac sign Aquarius (Kumbha) (Sultan 11). Some Hindus believe that Adi Shankaracharya, who is an Indian philosopher that “consolidated the doctrine of Advaita Vedanta, sub-school of hindu philosophy” (Karar 103) revived the festival and in turn revived Hinduism. The Kumbha became one of the world’s largest religious gatherings, with Hindus from all over the world wanting to revive themselves by taking part in the many religious discussions, preaching and gathering blessings that occur, this is done by participating in the mass bathing in the Ganga river (Karar 103). The initiation of the Kumbha Mela is believed to be a commemoration for the event of the Devas (Gods) and the Danavas (Demons) churning the ocean and finding an Amrita-kumbha, which is a potful of nectar (Karar 101). Many rival parties fought for its possession and when the Kumbha was being taken to safety a few drops of nectar fell out of the pot and onto the site. In the year 2010 more that 80 million pilgrims visited Hardwar during the Kumbha Mela to dip in the holy water of the Ganga river (Sultan 11). It has been examined that the summer months show the biggest rise in tourists to Hardwar. This makes sense due to the fact that that the summer months mark the beginning of pilgrimage of Badrinath and Kedernath following the dip in the holy Ganga river at Hardwar (Sultan 12).

            As the Kumbh Mela is the most important ritual festival for the Hindus, the attraction of many priests, saints and yogis from all over India results in a massive rise in noise levels for the city. A study done by Madan and Pallavi (2010) evaluated the noise level of Hardwar during the Kumbh Mela compared to a normal day in the city, along with the impact this noise has on the inhabitants of Hardwar’s health. The noise levels were monitored at four different locations, the first being the Singh Dwar, which is considered the entry point of Hardwar. This location was shown to be extremely crowded with traffic and high noise levels (Madan and Pallavi 293). The second location is the Rishikul, which is a bus stop that is temporarily set up during the Kumbh Mela festival, constant horns and shrieking take place here as all traffic of the city passes by this location (Madan and Pallavi 293). The Har Ki Pauri is the third location under evaluation, it is known as the main centre of attraction for tourists in Hardwar, as hundreds of Hindus move towards it to ritually bathe in the holy Ganga river (Madan and Pallavi 293). At the Har Ki Pauri loud religious music is blasted all day and night, as well it is an extremely crowded area (Madan and Pallavi 293). The fourth and final location under examination is the Chandi Ghat, which is the junction that is very close to the Har Ki Pauri where “all round the year tourist and pilgrimage activity is clearly visible” (Madan and Pallavi 293). The results found in the study showed that the noise created during the Kumbh Mela festival impacted human health by inducing headaches, which caused a difficulty to concentrate. As well, Hindus got less sleep at night, making them tired or fatigue. The noise also resulted in increased blood pressure and hearing problems (Madan and Pallavi 295). These various impacts are significant because the Kumbh Mela is intended to be a festival in which Hindus take part in many religious rituals to seek Moksha; therefore, it is important for them to be at optimal health and peace; therefore, having little to no factors affecting their physical or mental health.        

For someone who practices religion, pilgrimage can in some cases be regarded as extremely important and significant because it represents someone’s search for happiness, bliss and satisfaction (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Pilgrims who would travel to Hardwar to participate in another religious festival admired by the Hindus called the Ardha-Kumbha, which is only celebrated every six years would travel through dense forests, rivers and rivulets (Karar 101). Kings, saints and ascetics and general pilgrims would travel by foot, on bullock-carts, horse-back, on camels or on elephants in large groups (Karar 101) and it would take months to actually reach Hardwar. On the auspicious occasion of the Ardha-Kumbha roughly 18 million people dip into the Ganga river (Maheshwari and Punima 1), which shows the religious significance of pilgrimage. Dipping in the Ganga river during these religious festivals is regarded as a Hindu attempting to attain Moksha, which is “salvation from the cycle of rebirth and freedom from one’s sins” (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Hindus believe themselves to feel closer to God by following the various rituals of the multiple festivals (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Some of the daily activities of the festivals include bathing in the Ganga, worshiping (Puja), listening to religious discourses voiced by saints and attending the various performances of the Hindu epics (Maheshwari and Punima 1). In a study done by Maheshwari and Punima (2009) the Ardha-Kumbha festival resulted in Hindus feeling more satisfied with life, relieved of all their tensions from their daily tasks and attainment of inner tranquility and peace (Maheshwari and Punima 1). They also found the religious festivals to aid people overcome terrible situations, such as, loss of a family member or loved one (Maheshwari and Punima 1).

Since the Ganga river is one of the most scared rivers in the opinion of the Hindus, concern has been raised regarding the mass amounts of bathing that take place in the river. During the festivals of the Kumbh and the Ardh-Kumbh there is special importance placed on the ritual of bathing in the Ganga river. Therefore, during these festivals millions of people dip into river and bathe themselves (Sultan 14). During the 2010 Kumbh Mela, which began in January and carried on until April there were 11 bathing dates throughout the 104-day festival which took place at Hardwar (Sultan 14). Around 80 million people took part in bathing in the Ganga river, which severely affected the quality of the water in the Ganga. This raised concern for the health of people who participate in the ritual of bathing in the river, as well, for the people downstream who drink the water from the river (Sultan 14). A study done by Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi (2010) suggested that the bathing leads to an increase in Bio-chemical oxygen demand, total dissolved solids and a decrease in dissolved oxygen. When the water quality was tested before and after the festival drastic changes were found in the physio-chemical and the microbiological dimensions of the Ganga river (Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi 4). The water quality did not show improvement, it only got worse, which resulted in stray dogs and pigs being attracted to the river. These unsanitary conditions caused various contagious and airborne diseases (Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi 4). Studies show that the holy river has reached frightening levels of pollution (Sultan 13). Eighty-nine million litres of sewage from nearby cities are dumped into the Ganga river, which is extremely alarming (Sultan 13). This is not only alarming for the Hindus who take part in these ritual practices, as their health is in danger, but this is also concerning for the religion itself. Concern is raised for the religion due to reasons of these festivals and activities having to eventually be changed or forgotten because of the issues that pollution is causing in regards to people’s health. 

Another study done by Bhutiani at al. (2016) suggested that the mass bathing that takes place in the Ganga river developed a range between good and medium water quality. Whereas, after further studies took pace it was found that the water quality of the river is poor. Thus, it is evident that the water quality of the Ganga river ranges from poor to good (Bhutiani at al. 1). The study concluded the primary sources of pollution are sewerage, solid and liquid waste contaminants or organic nature that all enter into the river. Although, the mass bathing that takes place during the religious festivals does not aid in the cleanliness of the Ganga river quality. Inhabitants of the area should take necessary measures to reduce the risks of future contamination entering the river, not only for the health of people living in the area and Hindus who practice these bathing rituals, but for the practices and rituals themselves and their survival in the religion as they are extremely significant in the many festivals held in Hardwar.

Hardwar has proven itself to be an extremely important location for those who practice Hinduism due to its major festivals such as the Kumbha Mela and the Ardha-Kumbha Mela festivals. The positioning of Hardwar close to the Ganga river is the largest contributor to its religious significance because of the ritual importance placed on the river during the Kumbha Mela and the Ardha-Kumbha Mela festivals. Considering the results from the multipul studies examined precautions should be taken in the future in regard to using the Ganga during these important religious festivals to avoid the spreading of more diseases and sickness among the Hindus, as their health is the most important.  

References and Further Recommended Reading

Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey (2015) “Tourism and Tourist Influx Evaluation and Analysis in Haridwar and Rishikesh Townships of Uttarakhand.” Dept. of Geography, Kumaun University. issn- 2348-0459.

Bhutiani, D.R. Khanna, Kulkarni and Ruhela (2016) “Assessment of Ganga River Ecosystem at Haridwar, Uttarakhand, India With Reference to Water Quality Indices.” Applied Water Sci 6, 107-113 (2016).  https://doi.org/10.1007/s13201-014-0206-6

Karar (2010) “Impact of Pilgrim Tourism at Haridwar.” Anthropologist, 12(2): 99-105 (2010).

Maheshwari, Singh (2009) “Psychological well-being and pilgrimage: Religiosity, happiness and life satisfaction of Ardh-Kumbh Mela pilgrims (Kalpvasis) at Prayag India.” Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IIT.  https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-839X.2009.01291.x

Madan and Pallavi (2010) “Assessment of Noise Pollution in Haridwar City of Uttarakhand State, India During Kumbh Mela 2010 and its Impact on Human Health.” Journal of Applied and Natural Science 2(2): 293-295 (2010). https://doi.org/10.31018/jans.v2i2.137

Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi (2010) “Impact of Mass Bathing on Water Quality of Ganga River During Maha Kumbh.” Nature and Science 2012;10(6): 1-5.

Sultan (2015) “Tourism, Economy and Environmental Problems of a Religious Town: A Case Study on Haridwar, Uttarakhand, India.” Lecturer, Dept. of Geography, Hiralal Majumdar College. issn- 2319-7722.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kumbh Mela

Ardha-Kumbha Mela

Maya Devi Temple

Ganga river

Pilgrimage

Amrita-Kumbha

Makar Sakranti

Maha Shivratri

Ram Navmi

Baisakhi

Buddha Poornima

Ganga Saptami

Kanwar Mela

Somwati Amavasya

Janmashttmi

Durga Puja

Kartik Poornima

Noteworthy Websites related to the Topic

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Kumbh-Mela

https://www.nativeplanet.com/travel-guide/ardh-kumbh-mela-2019-top-attractions-of-ardh-kumbh-mela-2019-005434.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kumbh_Mela

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maya_Devi_Temple,_Lumbini

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pilgrimage

This article was written by: Teneal Laturnus (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content. 

The Tirupati Temple

The Tirupati Temple is the richest Hindu temple in India. It is said to be among the wealthiest religious institution in the world only second to the Vatican (Sinopoli 165). The temple is located in the seven hills of Tirumala; this is primarily why the deity that resides on this hill, Sri Venkatesvara, is nicknamed “the God of Seven Hills.” The seven hills are believed to be a symbol of the seven hoods of the serpent deity, Adisesa. The Tirupati temple is said to be the most sacred place for all Hindus, and attracts the largest number of visitors of any temple in India (Harinarayana 76). Around the hills there are four streamlets that are believed to be sacred waters. These waters form a reservoir and provide for the needs of those who live in Tirumala. Early on, the Tirupati Temple was relatively difficult to visit. The location was not made for easy mobility being nestled in the middle of abundant forest at an elevation of approximately 1000m above sea level (Narayanan 2018). The forest was much denser a century ago than it is today. This is because of the poor care and inhabitants of the village making room for living space.  It was not until later development that integrated paths and other facilities were built that allowed for ease to travelers. Hundreds of buses, cars and a variety of other motor vehicles travel these roads each day. In a given day, approximately 50,000 to 100,000 people enter the temple grounds to achieve a glimpse of the glory of the temple and experience the God of the Seven Hills (Reddy 20).

Tirumala was most famous for its glory in a period of 200 years between the fourteenth and sixteenth century. Many pilgrims from South India traveled long distances to worship the deity. Between 1940 and 1975, there was a boom in infrastructure around the Tirupati Temple. People began to build hotels, housing, shops and bus stations to accommodate the pilgrims. There is a queue system that has been implemented and that is consistently being improved at the Tirupati Temple to make worship easier for the many devotees that travel to the location in the far-away hills (Reddy 24).

Venkatesvara is said to be a manifestation of Visnu that resides in the temple. Temples dedicated to this deity have also been built in many other countries including the United States, Canada and Australia. Venkatesvara is very distinctive in his representation. Statues in temples are always depicted in standing posture, at roughly 5 to 7 feet tall, which is contrast to Visnu who is most often portrayed in a seated position. He carries a conch on his left shoulder and on his right he carries a wheel, similar to many other representations of Visnu. He may also be seen with his left arm pointed straight down with his left hand curving slightly inward. This is a hand gesture (mudra) intended to summon his devotees to come and follow him. The right hand is shown by a flattened palm, facing the devotee with fingers pointing to the ground. This gesture is known to be “favor giving” and is called varadamudra. The intention behind this mudra is to indicate the desire to provide his devotees with anything and all that they yearn for.

Venkatesvara can also often be seen with a thick white forehead marking called “namam” in the shape of a V. This marking is said to cover his eyes to shield those from the intensity and strength of his gaze. Many devotees travel to Tirupati just to see and be seen by this mysterious and powerful gaze. While Venkatesvara is connected to Visnu, he also carries presence of Laksmi as well. This is symbolized by two garlands of flowers that hang around his chest with her image placed on the inside on top of his heart. Her name is also encrypted on the right side of his chest.

Because of the growth in belief of Sri Venkatesvara throughout history, the temple began to earn more abundant offerings given by the devotees. These usually were offered in the forms of cash and gold (Harinarayana 76). Beginning around the 10th century there are recorded donations of land and jewelry as well to the lord of the hills. Another popular gift given to the god of the hills is that of hair (mundana). This stems from a well-known tale about Sri Venkatesvara, that tells about his experience “falling into a debt trap in order to make a dowry for his marriage with a local girl named Padmavati in Tirupati” (Kumar 235). Many devotees believe that he continues to pay this dowry in interest, and in the donation of their hair they help to pay for some of that interest on his behalf. Because of this, he has been nicknamed “a deity who lives on the interest paid by devotees.”

The ways of prayer that are practiced in Hindu temples ordinarily include offerings of flowers, coconuts, cash, or gold. These items are offered to the gods so that one may stand before them to worship for a few seconds or minutes depending on the crowd. In the Tirupati Temple there are 5 sacred performances practiced to honor Sri Venkatesvara: the Nityotsavams, the Vaarotsavams, the Maasotsavams, the Pakshotsavams, and the Samvatsarotsavams. All together these are named Utsavams. These religious performances are all distinguished by the increments in which they are performed. Nityotsavams are performed daily, Pakshotsavams are once in a fortnite, Maasotsavams are once a month, Samvatsarotsavams are once a year, and the Vaarotsavams are performed only on specific days of the week (Reddy 105). There are also rules and regulations in which each ritual must be performed, these are known as agamas. All sacred performances done to worship lord Venkatesvara must align with the rules specified by the Vaikhanasa Agama.

Daily morning practice at the Tirupati Temple begins with worship at 2 am, when the deity is woken with offerings of sugar, milk and butter. Within an hour following this, the cleaning and bathing ritual (tomala seva) is performed and is concluded with koluvu, which translates to “holding the court”. While verses from Sanskrit and Telugu hymns are performed and read, it is important for the pilgrims to inform the deity of his many incomes. There are three types of daily worship that Sri Venkatesvara receives. These include, reciting the 1,000 names (sahasranama arcana) and two separate types of praise (archana). Only the priest carries out the duty of reciting Venkatesvara’s 1000 names, followed by the second archana that includes the reciting of 108 names of Venkatesvara from the Vardha Puran. This is concluded with worship participated in by the devotees and Sri Venkatesvara is put to rest in the evening with a ritual called ekanta seva (Kumar 237).

While the week is already hectic with the many consistent daily rituals (nityotsavams) that are practiced, there is also other sacred practices throughout the week that takes place. Special worship is held on Mondays, 108 golden lotuses worship on Tuesdays and the bathing of Venketvara with the pouring of thousands of pots of water is on Wednesday. On Thursdays food and flowers are generally offered, and on Fridays new clothes and baths are given. While each of these rituals take place, there is a reciting of Tamil and Sanskrit verses in the inner walls of the temple. Outside the temple walls Telugu verses of Annamayya are read instead.

            A large portion of the political and social identity of the Tirupati Temple can be tied back to craft producers during the Vijayanagara period. There are detailed inscriptions found in Tirupati on the temple walls that are directly related to these craft producers. Much of the wealth also comes from the abundance of royal and elite patronage that is prominent in the history of the temple (Sinopoli 165). The crafts people referred to are often land-owners, temple donors, officials, poets and bards. These groups likely were tied to royal households and inherited considerable amounts of wealth. Inscriptions prove that large amounts of gold coins were often donated to the temple treasury and intended to fund temple festivals (Sinopoli 167).

Often temple offerings were also distributed to local artisans, to ensure the growth and prosperity of the people. As the status and importance of the temple began to rise, rulers began to provide endowments to support these rural activities. The support of agriculture became much more important with the rise in pilgrims visiting the temple and wishing to provide offerings of food and requiring accommodation for their stay. The state had a major hand in the distribution of funds and prioritized the wealth to increase irrigation works which in turn allowed for a growth of villages in the surrounding area. Much of these villages were also declared tax free by the state, in lieu of the provision of food offers specified for particular festivals (Stein 180).

            Currently, technological advancements continue to open up opportunities and advancement in the Tirupati Temple. It was not until recently that temples have begun to utilize the use of technology to ensure simplicity in administration and meet the needs of pilgrims (Venkatesh and Pushkala 39). The Tirupati Temple normally operates for approximately 20 hours a day, and reduces hours for certain rituals. Because Tirupati sees as many as 100,000 people within a day, organization of the crowds is imperative to the safety and satisfaction of pilgrims. To ensure these things, Tirumala Tirupati Devasathanam (TTD) introduced new IT solutions such as the installation of over 700 CCTV cameras and the implementation of biometrics for queue management in order to reduce wait times by allocating time slots for pilgrims. By introducing key technological features Tirupati has emerged as a role model for other municipalities in the country (Venkatesh and Pushkala 41). Though there have been many changes and advancements to the Tirupati Temple throughout the years, the richness of the culture and celebration of the history will always remain consistent.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Harinarayana, T.  (2014) “Efficient way of Darshan of the Lord Venkateswara of Tirupati/Tirupati Balaji Temple.” Journal of Business Management & Social Sciences Research 3, no. 2 p. 76-81.

Kumar, P. Pratap (2013) Contemporary Hinduism. Durham: Acumen.

Narayanan, Vasudha (2018) “Venkatesvara” in: Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism Online

Reddy, Vembuluru Narayana (1987)“Sacred Complex of Tirumala Tirupati – An Anthropological Study.” Sri Venkateswara University p. 20-105.

Sinopoli, Carla (2008) “Identity and Social Action among South Indian Craft Producers of the Vijayanagara Period.” Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association. Volume 8, Issue 1, p.161-171.

Stein, Burton (1984)  “The State, the Temple and Agricultural Development.” All the Kings Mana: Papers in medieval South Indian History, Madras p.179-181.

Venkatesh, K. A., & Pushkala, N. (2018) “Digital entrepreneurship: the technology deployment in internationalization speed in the digital entrepreneurship era and opportunities-Tirumala Tirupati Devasathanam (TTD).” International Journal on Recent Trends in Business and Tourism2(4), p.39-42.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Laksmi

Adisesha

Vijayanagara period

Tomala seva

Visnu

Varadamudra

Utsavams

Vaikhanasa Agama

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.culturalindia.net/indian-temples/tirupati-balaji.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venkateswara

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venkateswara_Temple,_Tirumala

http://www.hindupedia.com/en/Tirumala-Tirupati

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XYP4oH8hnuM (Film Documentary)

http://www.teluguone.com/devotional/content/story-of-lord-venkateshwara-swamy–121-28651.html

Article written by: Grace Krause (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

The Amarnath Pilgrimage and Temple

This Amarnath temple is a sacred place in Hindu religion today. It provides a place of worship to Siva and the ice Lingam that is representative of him. Pilgrimages are important to Hindu tradition because they provide a source of spiritual fulfillment and the opportunity for liberation at a later stage in one’s life. The Amarnath pilgrimage allows pilgrims to become one with the absolute power Siva, who is an important deity in Hindu tradition (Banyat 2014).

Amarnath is a cave located in Kashmir, known as Pir-Vaer (abode of saints) and is regarded as a holy and sacred shrine which is highly regarded in Hinduism (Shah 58). It sits at 12,729 ft above sea level and the cave itself is 17 meters deep and 14 meters high with a wide entrance. The cave features a self-formed ice Lingam which is symbolic of an immortal Siva, it grows and diminishes with the moon. Smaller surrounding icicles are representative of Siva’s consort. In the ritual of worshiping this Siva-Lingam, pilgrims first must wash themselves. They then apply clay to their foreheads and wear all white clothing. They make offerings of candles, candy, etc. and shout chants in worship of Siva (Hassnain 18,20).

This pilgrimage occurs once a year during the Hindu month of Sawan which is at the end of July and beginning of August, a month with complete dedication to the lord Siva. It is not reserved for a single caste or ranking, and different caste can be seen travelling and gathering on the pilgrimage. During this month of Sawan pilgrims will camp at base camps and travel generally on foot during day (Shah 62).  The route pilgrims take begins from Pahalgam and then travels through Chandanwari, Waojan, and Panjtarni before finally reaching Amarnatha. During the passing from Waojan to Panjtarni each pilgrim must throw two pebbles at the Nagarapal boulder in order to beat the demon. Then at Panjtarni stream they will participate in a purifying bath and pitch a tent for one night before being able to enter the temple. There is a shorter route which begins at Sonamarg and goes through Baltal and Sangam before ending at the Amarnatha cave. This route is more dangerous because you must cross an avalanche of glacier (Hassnain 18-19). Pilgrims going through Baltal will often take helicopters or travel on foot and employ labourers to help them make the travel. This forms a community of closer social interaction between locals and pilgrims. At the base camps there are positive connections between locals and the pilgrims where both show hospitality, kindness, and helpfulness to one another. Temporary small hotels (dhaba)and free food stalls (langgar) owners will even provide free food to the base camps to be granted the good will of Siva (Shah 66-70).

Siva is regarded as the Lord of Yogis and is known as a god in a peaceful state often depicted in a seated position (Shoemaker 31). The lord Siva is the reason why pilgrims make the trip to the Amarnath temple. Siva is a god who represents faith, brotherhood, and relations among visitors at the temple (Shah 61-62). Siva comes from an absolute which was divided into three parts, Brahma, Visnu, and Siva, which are known as the creator, preserver, and the destroyer; these three gods make up a Hindu holy trinity. Siva is the creator god but is also associated with death. Siva is worshipped through the Lingam which brings desirable objects and release from bondage of actions. The Linga is the source and dissolution of the three powers and neither the beginning nor end of the universe (Wayman 27). Siva is also a symbol of fertility and, as a Linga, is worshiped for fertility (Jacobsen 242). This worship of Siva as a Lingam is to be done at sacred places such as the Amarnath (Hassnain 11).

Amarnath is regarded in Hindu mythology as a cave that was approached by Siva and his wife Parvati. Parvati is a maiden who fell deeply in love with the beggar Siva and got married. The night of their marriage is called Shivrati, which is one of the biggest festivals marked by snowfall (Hassnain 17). Parvati is known as the supreme power and mother of the universe in Hinduism. Tradition tells that Siva told the secret of salvation to Parvati at Amarnath, and this talk is written in the Sanskrit manuscript: Amaresvara Mahatmya. Parvati asks questions and the lord Siva answers them. This talk was said to be overheard by two servants who were turned into two white pigeons, which can be seen flying by the temple (Hassnain 10-16). It is believed in Hindu mythology that Siva gave up everything but his soul before approaching the cave because it is the highest spiritual journey one can take. This is why pilgrims cannot experience true absolute reality unless they abandon vehicles and complete the journey on foot as Siva did. In 1895 the Maliks were the ones who managed the pilgrimage. They were to ensure everything went smoothly and were there to carry the sick and wounded. In return they would receive one third of the offerings made at the shrine (Shah 62). This no longer takes place and the shrine is now in control of the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board (SASB), who have been disrupting forest lands on the pilgrimage travel route (Navlakha 18).

Throughout the years there has been a variety of environmental, health, and security concerns regarding this pilgrimage. Environmental concerns are particularly a problem around Pahalgam. This is due to pilgrims defecating into the river and tossing non-degradable items such as plastic into the river as well which harms the overall water quality. Another problem within this particular area is the pollution that is caused by transport vehicles carrying pilgrims and transporting goods (Navlakha 2008). Batal base camp is also raising ecological concerns because of the health threats it is causing to the locals and pilgrims. Both groups pollute the air, water, and soil because of the lack of mobile latrines and bathrooms available to them. No level of hygiene is maintained, and the camp site is kept filthy and unsanitary for pilgrims and locals (Shah 71). The main concern is if certain environmental precautions cannot be followed these sites will continue to be polluted and bring a bad name to Kashmir itself. Another concern is due to the narrow roads pilgrims travel on and because of the large numbers of people wider paths are required for safe traveling. Security agencies are kept in place to prevent terrorist attacks which have occurred in the past and to protect pilgrims. They help to provide tents, food, and management at base camps and supervise the movement of pilgrims along the path (Shah 68). However, many locals raise concerns that these authorities and Horse pullers (ponny wallas)will beat pilgrims on the route to the cave (Shah 69). Large numbers of security forces are required to accommodate the large number of increasing pilgrims which causes a higher level of environmental damage (Navlakha 2008). A major health concern regarding this pilgrimage is the amount of altitude sickness and non-traumatic surgical disorders reported. Increased awareness of these health conditions, pre-travel evaluations, and infection controls are all things that can be done to prevents these sicknesses from taking place on pilgrimages (Banyat 2014).

There has been controversy between militants and the pilgrims at Amarnath. In 2006 there were two separate attacks that took place both involving militants harming the pilgrims. June 21, 2006 and July 15, 2006 militants threw grenades on routes that lead to Amarnath and in one case killed one civilian and injured six others (Andley 4-5). In 2017 a group of pilgrims were attacked by terrorist and 7 were killed (Nair 2017). This pilgrimage has been the target of several different terrorist attacks over the years raising concerns of civilians.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Andley, Priyashree (2006) “Major Terrorist Attacks in Jammu & Kashmir” Institute of Peace

and Conflict Studies. 1-5. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Banyat, Buddha (2014) “High Altitude Pilgrimage Medicine.” High Altitude Medicine &

Biology. 15:4: 434-439. Accessed on February 22, 2020. Doi: 10.1089/ham.2014.1088

Hassnain, Miura Y., and Vijay Pandita (1987) Sri Amarnatha Cave, the Abode of Shiva. New

Delhi: Hardev Printers.

Jacobsen, Knut A. (2004) “The Child Manifestation of Śiva in Contemporary Hindu Popular

Prints.” Numen. 51:3: 237-264. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Nair, Sandhya (2017) “Palghar bandh to protest terrorist attack on Amarnath pilgrims” The

Times of India. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Navlakha, Gautam (2008) “State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra.” Economic and Political

Weekly 43:17-18. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Shah, Rashid, Adfer (2013) “Case of Holy Amarnath Pilgrimage” The Tibet Journal 38.3: 57-85.

Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Shoemaker, Marla (1981) “Manifestations of Shiva” Art Education 34.3:30-32. Accessed on

February 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/3192492.

Wayman, Alex (1987) “O, That Linga!” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

68:1/4: 15-54. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Siva

Parvati

Lingam

Linga

Shivrati

Amaresvara Mahatmya

Maliks

Sawan

Noteworthy Websites Related to The Topic

https://www.huffingtonpost.in/2017/07/10/a-look-back-at-the-bloody-history-of-terror-attacks-on-amarnath_a_23024401/

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/kashmir/2015-09-10/political-pilgrimage-kashmir

http://www.shriamarnathjishrine.com/

https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/2012/3/120312-hindu-pilgrimage-stresses-fragile-himalaya-environment/

Article written by: Madison Irving (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

The Ta Prohm Temple

The Ta Prohm temple is a temple that has been heavily overgrown with trees. It stands in what is now modern day Cambodia. However, it was built during the Khmer Empire period, which ran from the 9th through the 15th centuries (Carter et al. 492). This temple, as well as many others, were built by Angkorian kings (Carter et al. 492). Research that has been done on this region shows a very complex water management network as well as architectural features that were inspired by Indic cosmology (Carter et al. 492).

This temple, and many others, are some of the only things that survived from the period, and can help us discover more about the Khmer Empire (Preston 2000). Angkor is littered with temples, including the Bakong temple, Ban-teai Srei and Ta Keo (Daniels, Hyslop and Brinkley 2014). This is because during the Khmer Empire, rulers including Indravarman I, Rajendravarman II, Jayavarman V as well as many more, expanded Angkor by building these vast temples (Daniels, Hyslop and Brinkley 2014). The Ta Prohm temple, built in 1186 CE by Jayavarman VII is one of the these temples. (Lakshmipriya 1491).

To understand the importance of the Ta Prohm Temple, it is important to look at the Khmer Empire and the temple’s relevance in this empire. The empire was founded in 802 CE by Jayavarman II (Haywood 2001). The capital city, Angkor, was established by Yasovarman I. The empire was able to control all of modern day Cambodia under the rule of Suryavarman I and Suryavarman II (Haywood 2001). It later declined in the 15th century and the capital moved to Caturmukha where it became a minor regional power (Haywood 2001).

The Ta Prohm temple is considered one of the most significant temples within Angkor. What is so fascinating about this temple is that it has almost been swallowed whole by trees. It was built as a flat temple, contrasting the “temple mountains” that have often been built in this region (Carter et. al 495). The temple is made out of grey to yellow-is brown sandstones (Uchida et. al 221). Inside the Inner Enclosure of the temple is the Central Tower, the Inner Gate Towers, the Inner Gallery and ponds (Uchida et. al 225). There is an Outer Gallery and with two small galleries connected to it (Uchida et. al 225). Distributed between the Middle Gallery and Outer Gallery are many small towers (Uchida et. al 225). The temple also has a Dancing Hall and House of Fire (Uchida et. al 225). It was an active monastery that was used for Buddhist teaching and learning (Carter et. al 492). An inscription found at the Ta Prohm Temple illustrates in detail the organization and the functioning of the temple. It shows those who worked at the temple and possibly even lived there. This discovery as well as the temple itself is very important as most Angkorian establishments were built out of perishable materials such as wood and grass, so this stone temple is able to tell researchers more about the Khmer empire through archaeological investigation (Carter et. al 492).

As stated earlier, the construction of these stone temples was a key part of the Angkorian rulers’ building strategy. This is how the rulers could establish their authority – by building these elaborate temples. The temples were dedicated to Hindu and Buddhist deities. They were centres for religious practices and brought the rural populations into the city for festivals (Carter et. al 494-95). These temples were also used as universities centred on religious studies and helped the Angkorian economy through receiving temple donations (Carter et. al 495).

King Jayavarman VII (who built the Ta Prohm temple) was one of Angkor’s most famous rulers. The temple was dedicated to his mother and she was represented as the Buddhist deity Prajnaparamita (Carter et. al 495). Prajnaparamita is the main deity in the central shrine of the temple (Lakshmipriya 1493). In Sanskrit, Prajnaparamita translates to “Perfection of Wisdom”. This deity is the personification of literature or wisdom. She is also sometimes referred to as the Mother of All Buddhas. This deity is fitting for the Ta Prohm temple as it was dedicated to King Jayavarman VII’s mother. The temple was given the name Rajavihara which means “royal monastery”. Most stone temples in this region are called “temple mountains” as they are built in a pyramid style like a mountain. This makes the Ta Prohm temple distinctive as it was built more flat (Carter et. al 495). The temple reflects characteristics of Mahayana Buddhism which were relevant during the time it was built (Lakshmipriya 1493). There are numerous shrines and pavilions. It also has images of the Bodhisattva carved into the walls (Lakshmipriya 1493). This emphasizes the prominent belief in Buddhism during the time the Ta Prohm temple was built and used.

What makes the Ta Prohm temple more notable than other temples are the inscriptions found inside it. From these inscriptions researchers are able to understand Angkorian culture in more detail by understanding how they used the temple and who used the temple. The inscription reveal that there were 79,365 people who serviced the temple (Carter et. al 495). There was 18 high priests, 2740 officials, 2232 assistants and 615 dancers (Carter et. al 495). There were also 1409 students who used the temple as a university for religious practice (Carter et. al 495). Some of these individuals also lived in the temple and were from a variety of ethnicities including Khmer, Burmese, and Cham (Carter et. al 495). Other items were also found in the temple including bedspreads, cushions and mosquito nets (Carter et. al 495). All of this information allows researchers to understand this culture better, especially in the sense that the temples were used as more than just a place for religious practices.

Ta Prohm (Khmer Empire) overgrown with trees.

The Ta Prohm temple seemed to be of much importance to the Angkorian culture, so what caused it to become so heavily overgrown with trees and almost completely abandoned? The fall of Angkor happened gradually starting with unhappy workers not wanting to help with the demands of its labour intensive economy (Warner 1990). The fall was also impacted by wars with neighbouring kingdoms (Warner 1990). The Thais were able to take full control of Angkor in the early 1400’s which would ultimately end the Khmer Empire (Warner 1990). Thereafter, Outsiders rarely visited Angkor, so these stone monuments were not known to the western world until Henri Mouhot, a French naturalist-explorer, discovered it and published an article about it in 1863. He said that the farmers who worked near by were unsure of who built Angkor. They thought it was possibly the gods or giants (Warner 1990). As the locals are unsure of how Angkor was built this shows even more how important the Ta Prohm Temple is as it shows researchers the culture of Angkor more than locals can even tell them.

Cambodia has been under very harsh times in recent years. The Vietnamese invaded Cambodia and took occupation over it in 1979. However, the Vietnamese doing this were able to put an end to the rule by the Khmer Rouge, during which almost two million people died (Warner 1990). The country is still trying to recover from this painful and destructive time. This means the Cambodian government must focus more on re-establishing its country with basic services before it can focus on restoring any of its monuments such as the Ta Prohm temple (Warner 1990). Not only are these temples in need of restoration, they are still facing numerous environmental threats today that need to be stopped in order to preserve these precious monuments.

The climate in the Angkor region is very seasonal. It receives 1400-2000 mm of rain falling within the summer period between May and October (Hall, Penny and Hamilton, 154). This much rain can cause the Ta Prohm temple to flood up to 1 m some days during this season (Lakshmipriya 1491). This flooding serves as a major threat to the temple and action is required to ensure the restoration and conservation of it. However, the flooding is not the only threat. The temple is also facing challenges against structural stability that has occurred due to vegetation, human vandalism, weathering and foundation movement. There is also decay that has been caused by neglect and lack of maintenance (Lakshmipriya 1493).

The Archaeological Survey of India has taken the responsibility to take action and conserve and restore the Ta Prohm temple (Lakshmipriya 1491). They have come up with an approach that is meant to help to restore the built heritage of the temple but also conserve its

natural heritage of it (Lakshmipriya 1493). The temple is now commonly known as the “tree temple” since trees have grown in it and around it. This means when preserving the temple they will want to take precautions in ensuring that the natural state the temple has come to be in, is not ruined.

Conservation work at Ta Prohm is jointly undertaken with Cambodia and India.

The main guidelines that have been set out to ensure that the temple is not at risk during the restoration is that the interventions will be minimum. Any intervention that takes place must be in consultation with ICC and APSARA Authority. No historical evidence will be damaged during the process. As well as all of the interventions that do take place must be done by experienced archaeological conservation professionals (Lakshmipriya 1494). These are not all the guidelines that have been placed but are the main ones that will help to restore the temple in a safe manner. Through this process the Archaeological Survey of India will hopefully be able to restore the Ta Prohm temple and help to keep it conserved for the next coming years.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Carter, Alison; Heng, Piphal; Stark, Miriam; Chhay, Rachna and Evans, Damian (2018) “Urbanism and Residential Patterning in Angkor.” Journal of Field Archeology 43:492-506. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi.org/10.1080/00934690.2018.1503034.

Daniels S. Patricia, Hyslop G. Stephen, Brinkley Douglas (2014) “Khmer Empire 600-1150” National Geographic Almanac of World History. Accessed February 20, 2020.

E. Uchida, O. Cunin, I. Shimoda, C. Suda, T. Nakagawa (2003) “The Construction Process of the Angkor Monuments Elucidated by the Magnetic Susceptibility of Sandstone” Archaeometry 45:221-232. Accessed March 27, 2020. doi-org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/10.1111/1475-4754.00105

Hall, Tegan; Penny, Dan and Hamilton, Rebecca (2019) “The environmental context of a city in decline: The vegetation history of a Khmer peripheral settlement during the Angkor period.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 24:152-165. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi-org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/10.1016/j.jasrep.2019.01.006.

Haywood, John (2001) “Khmer Empire” Andromeda Encyclopedic Dictionary of World History. Accessed February 20, 2020.

Lakshmipriya, T. (2008) “Conservation and restoration of Ta Prohm temple.” Structural Analysis of Historic Construction: Preserving Safety and Significance 1491-97. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi.org/10.1201/9781439828229.ch174.

Preston, Douglas (2009) “The temples of Angkor still under attack.” National Geographic 198:82+. Accessed January 28, 2020.

Warner, Roger (1990) “After centuries of neglect, Angkor’s temples need more than a face-lift.” Smithsonian 21:36+. Accessed January 28, 2020.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Angkor Wat

Khmer Empire

Angkor

Prajnaparamita Bakong temple

Ban-teai Srei

Ta Keo

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.lonelyplanet.com/cambodia/attractions/ta-prohm/a/poi-sig/500632/355852

https://www.amusingplanet.com/2011/05/giant-trees-at-cambodian-temple-of-ta.html

http://www.ancientpages.com/2018/09/03/unsolved-archaeological-mystery-of-ta-prohm-temple- cambodia/

Article written by: Norah Elliott (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

The Akshardham Temple

The Akshardham Temple or Swaminarayan Akshardham Complex is a Hindu temple located in Noida Mor in New Delhi, which exhibits various beautiful monuments which makes it so special and fascinating. The name Akshardham is derived from two words – akshar meaning eternal and dham meaning adobe. So, Akshardham means the abode of the eternal one. The Guinness Book of World Records states that the temple holds the world record of being the “world’s largest comprehensive Hindu Temple ” with 356 ft height and 141 ft width, covering a total area of 86,342 square ft. It was Michael Witty, a representative from the Guinness World Records who announced it before an audience of around three thousand people on the occasion of the BAPS Swaminarayan centenary celebrations in Ahmedabad, Gujarat in December 2007 (Kim 359). The Akshardham Temple was not only the most ambitious project taken on by the prominent Hindu sect, but it was the most significant one as well. Devotees from different countries of Europe, North America, East Africa and India donated funds, time and skills to set up a $45 million temple-cum-exhibition complex in India’s capital (Singh 34).

Akshardham temple was completed by the BAPS in November 2005 (Srivastava 339). It was inaugurated by, APJ Abdul Kalam who was the president of India at that time, and he described it as “the civilization heritage of India in dynamic form” (Singh 52). From the day it opened, the temple was inserted into the catalogue of India’s great monuments(Singh 52). The complex is said to be visited by 70% of the tourists and it has become one of major tourist attractions of New Delhi (Paine 402).

The Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Sanstha (BAPS) is one of the most visible manifestations of transnational Hinduism today and is said to be the fastest growing Hindu sect in the world (Singh 48). The BAPS community originated in 1907 by Shastri Maharaj (Kim 362). In the past years, the BAPS has become the most prominent sub-sect of the Swaminarayan Sampradaya, with more than seven hundred centres in Australia, Asia, Africa, Europe, and North America (Singh 48). The major credit behind the rapidly increasing growth is given to its current head, Pramukh Swami Maharaj and he was born in 1921 (Kim 363). According to its estimates, BAPS has approximately one million followers, with the majority residing in India, 30,000 followers in UK and 40,000 in the US (Kim 362).

According to the BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha, the construction of the temple took more than 300,000,000 hours and over 8,000 volunteers from across the world participated in building it. Through the construction of the Akshardham temples, BAPS has strategically used the built realm to promote its religious ideology and advance its political agenda (Vijayakumar 37). Under the rule of Pramukh Swami Maharaj, most of the time was devoted to a typical form of monumental architecture (Singh 49). The works of BAPS have been so great that it has established its own in-house temple design studio in Ahmedabad as well as a stone-carving work-shop at Pindwara in Rajasthan with more than seven thousand carvers and more than eight hundred craftsmen at work (Singh 50).

The Akshardham temple in New Delhi, represents Pramukh Swami Maharaj’s unparalleled devotion to Bhagwan Swaminarayan and fulfils Brahmaswarup Yogiji Maharaj’s long-cherished wish for such a tribute to Bhagwan Swaminarayan in the nation’s capital ( Bliss 2010:6).The idea to build such complex may be traced back to its celebrations of Swaminarayan’s birth bicentenary in 1981 (Singh 51). During that phase, temporary structures were built by using bamboo, plaster, and burlap on two hundred acres of land in Ahmedabad to showcase the life of Swaminarayan, the family values and vegetarianism (Singh 51). Around eight million people were reported to have visited that festival. After the success of the festivals a permanent site was finalised and in 1992, the first Akshardham complex was opened in Gandhinagar, Gujarat (Singh 51). Initially when the temple was being planned in about 1990, a prominent temple architect, Amritlal Trivedi was approached to take on the project. Some of the BAPS temples such as in Chicago and Houston were also built by his family. The senior architect, Amritlal Trivedi worked with his son Krishnachandra and grandson Virendra, who brought this project to completion. Even before the site was identified and the land was acquired, the process of designing of Akshardham had already begun (Singh 60).

The Akshardham Temple in Delhi

 Thirteen years after the first Akshardham was inaugurated at Gandhinagar, Yogiji Maharaj announced to open a second temple in Delhi on the banks of the Yamuna River (Singh 52). It was not less than a miracle to find a site so large and central, in the crowded megacity of Delhi and that too on the bank of the Yamuna River. In the year 2000 the government of India allotted a piece of land on the floodplains of the Yamuna river to a socio-religious organization(Vijayakumar 37). The construction of temple also faced several public controversies over the manner in which such a large parcel of ecologically sensitive area had been allotted for the construction (Srivastava 339). Also, in the year 2003 and 2004 several newspaper reports suggested that the NDA (National Democratic Alliance) helped BAPS to get the land even after violation and planning patterns (Srivastava 339). Finally, in 2005, the Supreme Court came to a decision that the construction had been “lawful”, and that “all the land use Plans have been adhered to” (Srivastava 339).

The main access to the temple from Delhi is by metro as it is the fastest means of transportation to the site. However, the most direct approach to the temple is by the Hazrat Nizammuddin bridge that spans the Yamuna (Srivastava 339). Near to the complex is the site for the 2010 Commonwealth games “village”. The Nangla Machi remains can be seen from the sites of both the game and the temple complex. The Nangla Machi, which was the area of slums, was recently destroyed by the government to make the surrounding area look clean and beautiful (Srivastava 339).

Visitors travel either by public transport or by private vehicles. The cars and buses have a huge parking lot which is not unlike the ones near shopping centres. The entrance at the temple has numerous security checks (Srivastava 339). The visitors are not allowed to carry any edibles or gadgets along with them. Also, they have to submit the electronic gadgets and bags at the front entrance which is near the parking lots. The temple is usually busy during festivals and holidays. The temple is closed on every Monday and the ticket window remains opened from 10am to 6pm. Before entering inside the complex, the visitors have to undergo three checks, including body frisking, and inspection with the metal detectors (Srivastava 339). After going through the security checks, appears the Mayur Gate, which is decorated with 869 peacocks (Srivastava 339). The massive dome of the temple is visible from some distance. At the entrance the display of the eight water screens can also be seen. After entering inside, the visitors move into a large hall made from marble with low lighting and decorated with greenery. Passing from the main gate, the hall gets divided into different sections, and some of these require an entry fee, in particular, a combined ticket for the Halls of Values (Srivastava 339). Sahajanand Darshan (also Hall of Values) is an “audio animatrix show”, Neelkanth Darshan, which is a theatre show, and Sanskruti Vihar (a boat ride) costs around Rs 125. The Musical Fountain and Garden of Values and the temple collectively are the major attractions.

The Akshardham monument is made from pink sandstone and the interior is made up of white marble that visibly resembles ancient sites, and is constructed using ancient methods (Singh 56- 57). It is a complete and brilliant mixture of tradition and technology. The building has been acclaimed as one of the most intricate structures to be made in India since Independence, and the complex’s guidebook tells us that its ‘234 ornately carved pillars, 9 ornate domes and 20,000 murtis and statues’ were assembled from a total of three hundred thousand pieces of carved stone (Singh 56). Every monument in the temple has its own beauty and specialty. The Hall of Values features lifelike robotics and dioramas that display incidents from the life of Swaminarayan, portraying his message on importance of peace, harmony, humility, service to others and devotion to god (Srivastava 340). Art robotics, fibre optics, light effects, dialogues and music are used to make the audience feel ancient Hindu culture and messages like non-violence, morality and more through 15 3-D dioramas with the use of state of art robotics (Srivastava 340).

The Neelkanth Darshan Theatre is Delhi’s one and only large format screen with 85 ft height and 65 ft width. A 40-minute film, Neelkanth Yatra is shown to relate a seven-year pilgrimage made by Swaminarayan during his teenage years in India. There is also a 27 ft tall bronze murti of Neelkanth Varni just outside the theatre. The Sanskruti Vihar or the boat ride is a 12-minute journey showing the life in Vedic India all through 10,000 years of glorious heritage using robotics (Srivastava 339). It also shows the major contributions of Vedic Indians like Aryabhatta in mathematics and many more in their respective fields like science, astronomy, arts, literature and yoga. The musical fountain, also known as the Yagnapurush Kund is one of the most beautiful monuments in the temple. A breath-taking presentation of 24 minutes is shown in the water show named Sahaj Anand at the fountain at night. The presentation is displayed using modern technology like multi-colour lasers, video projections, underwater flames and brilliant sound system. The additional features of the temple are the Yodi Hraday Kamal, a lotus shaped sunken garden, the Nilkanth Abhishek (ritual of pouring water on the murti), the Narayan Sarovar and the Premvati Ahargruh (food court).

 REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Vijayakumar, Swetha (2014) “Making of a “Hindu National Temple”: Tradition and Technology at Swaminarayan Akshardham.” Traditional Dwelling and Settlements Review, Vol 26, No. 1: 37-40.

Nair, Ravi (2014) “Akshardham Judgement-I: The Law at Work.” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 49, No. 25: 15-17.

Singh, Kavita (2010) “Temple of Eternal Return: The Swaminarayan Akshardham Complex in Delhi”: Artibus Asiae, Vol 70, No. 1: 1-31.

Kim, Hanna (2009) “Public Engagement and Personal Desires: BAPS Swaminarayan Temples and their contribution to Discourses on Religion.” International Journal of Hindu Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3: 200-370.

Paine, Crispin (2016) “Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art and Belief,” 12:3, 402-403.

Srivastava, Sanjay (2009)” Urban Spaces, Disney-Divinity and Moral Middle Classes in Delhi.Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 26/27.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

BAPS

Akshardham Complex Gujrat

Pramusk Swami Maharaj

Yogiji Maharaj

Swaminarayan Sampradaya

Yamuna River

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://akshardham.com/visitor-info/

https://www.baps.org/

www.swaminarayan.org/

https://www.hinduismtoday.com/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akshardham_(Delhi)#Exhibits

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bochasanwasi_Akshar_Purushottam_Swaminarayan_Sanstha

Article written by: Dilnaaz Kaur Chahal (Spring 2020), who is solely responsible for its content

Pura Besakih and Gunung (Mount) Agung

Gunung (Mount) Agung is the largest and most active volcano in Bali, Indonesia. Standing at 3000 feet, it is the highest peak on the island (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). Surrounding this mountain, are many little villages composed mainly of Balinese Hindus. At the base of Gunung Agung lies a group of sacred Hindu temples known as Pura Besakih. This refers to a complex of sacred temples located in the adat village of Besakih on the island, as opposed to one singular temple (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2).

Pura Besakih contains the most sacred and influential Hindu temples known to Balinese Hinduism, the most influential being Pura Pentaron Agung (Stuart-Fox 79). The origin of the development of Pura Besakih is not concrete. However, it is believed to have been built sometime in the 11th century, before the construction of both the Sukuh and Cetho temples which were built in the 15th century. It is a very popular tourist attraction for individuals around the world, known for hosting some of the religion’s largest religious rituals critical to Balinese Hinduism (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 26). Each temple is built on a separate mountain ridge on the great volcano, constructed in the form of punden berundak (terraces). This particular design represents a belief that past inhabitants of the region possessed. They had believed that each terrace increased in holiness as it increased in height (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 27). For example, if a particular temple had four terraces, the highest (fourth) would be the one that was considered closest to the spiritual realm, therefore, the holiest. In contrast to other Hindu temples located in Asia, these temples belonging to Pura Besakih are like no other. The temples have a structure similar to that of a courtyard, with no walls. They contain a row of shrines and altars to several gods located at the “upstream” or “mountainwards” (kaja) corner of the innermost courtyard. This is unique to other Hindu temples in Asia as most are built to honor a singular god and are typically structured as buildings (Lansing 66). The specific temple structure on the island of Bali reflects the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism as it is a combination of both Hinduism and Buddhism, this particular religion is widely practiced throughout Bali but is not common in many other regions of Asia, that practice more orthodox Hinduism, as well as Indonesia where many identify as Muslims (Rodrigues 347).

            There are many villages on the island of Bali, and like their temples, they are unique. As explained by David Stuart-Fox (2002), no village is independent of another as their rituals and economy influence the other villages, similar to a food web (54). Each customary or traditional (adat) village contains different temples that are primarily responsible for, whether it be for aesthetic reasons or preparations for future rituals. Within the obligations of an adat village, certain groups and families are also responsible for the maintenance and rituals of certain temples and may have different relationships with each temple (54). There are two different types of relationships between the temples and villagers of Besakih as well as the rest of Bali. These relationships are known as pangamong and maturan relationships. ‘Support’ or pangamon relationships entails full responsibility for the enactment of ritual (55). In other words, those who have a pangamon relationship with a temple are responsible for the organization and carrying-out of rituals. This may include providing manual labor to maintain the condition of the temple or paying dues (uran) in order to pay for future rituals. The other type of relationship, maturan, is voluntary in nature. Compared to pangamon relationships, they are not obligatory and instead of providing means for a ritual, they are offerings given to specific gods or ancestors of a family on an individual basis (55). Both cases of these relationships are seen throughout the sacred temples of Besakih.

There are specific rituals practiced in specific temples, determined by different factors. One factor that contributes to the type of rituals that are performed is determined by a hierarchical organization of the temples within the Pura Besakih. These may influence the type of relationship that villagers have with a temple in Bali. The sacredness of each temple is systematically classified based on a number of aspects. These include the regional location of the said temple, agriculture and irrigation surrounding it, and descent (Stuart-Fox 53). Descent refers to the group or family that the temple belongs to, some hold a greater social status than others and the placement of a temple on the hierarchical system of Bali resonates with that.

 In the case of Besakih, the most sacred temple is Pura Pentaron Agung and also the largest. Stuart-Fox describes the temple as being located in the center of Pura Besakih (70). Pura Pentaron Agung is considered to be a ‘general public temple’. This means that it is non-specific to Balinese Hinduism as it is also visited by many other Hindus in Indonesia, as well as many tourists. It is not privately supported, in fact, it is maintained by Parisada Hindu Dharma Pusat, the official national Hindu organization of Indonesia (71). Not only is Pura Pentaron Agung the most sacred and largest temple in Besakih, but it is also the only temple within the complex to contain a shrine known as the Triple Padmasana or lotus seat. This shrine in its uniqueness is the most influential one located in Pura Besakih and is the only lotus seat (padmasana) shrine in the area (79). The shrine sits atop a raised foundation with several engravings etched into the sides, on top of the foundation, are three identical statues lined in a row constructed in the shape of a small throne, at the base of these statues is Bedawange Nala, the cosmic turtle which is supporting these seats (80). The reasoning for constructing this specific shrine is not known, some scholars have theorized that it is to commemorate Sanghyang Widdhi Wasa, a highly regarded god in Bali Hinduism (81).

            The great mountain, Mount Agung is the highest peak on Bali, making it the most sacred mountain (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). It is surrounded by streams and two major rivers that run north and south of the mountain. Exotic vegetation grows all throughout the island encompassing the volcano creating a unique beauty and ecosystem. Despite its sacredness, no temples or shrines reside at the peak. This is partly due to the fact that it is an active volcano, but also has to do with the long and treacherous hike involved in reaching the peak of the summit. The fact that it is an active volcano can come with complications and previous eruptions have been difficult to predict (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2). This comes with ongoing risk for the civilians living on the island of Bali, yet many still reside in the area. A lot of climbers and/or tourists/climbers have gone missing, lost, fallen, and even died while doing the trekking/climbing (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). This climb, however, is viewed as being extremely spiritually purifying to Balinese Hindus and is often done by older practitioners of the religion. Climbing to the peak is considered to be very cleansing and a rather freeing experience to those that are able to conquer it. In an ancient Balinese myth, it is said that Gunung Agung is a broken-off piece of Mount Mahameru, metaphorically implying that the god of Mount Agung is the son of the god Mount Mahameru, the high god Pasupati (Stuart-Fox 2).

Besakih Temple Complex at the foot of Gunung Agung (Rodrigues 1978)

            Both Gunung Agung and Pura Besakih are extremely influential to the island of Bali both in the past and present. They have helped to shape the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism that encompasses both a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism. This unique religion has attracted tourists and religious scholars worldwide to this beautiful destination whether it be for curiosity or research. It provides a means for maintaining economic stability on the island and has also become an important factor for helping to provide future rituals, ceremonies, and festivals in order to maintain the unique culture of this sacred island.

                                                References and Further Readings

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese Temple: artistry, imagination, and history in a peasant village. Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Ardhana I Ketut, Seitwan I Ketut, Sulandjari Sulandjari (2018) “The Temple of Besakih, Sukuh and Cetho: The Dynamics of Cultural Heritage in the Context of Sustainable Tourism Development in Bali. Indonesia: E-Journal of Cultural Studies 26-30.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Fortworth: Hartcourt Brace College Publishers.

I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari (2008) “Local Community Entrepreneurship in Mount Agung Trekking.” Journal of Physics Conference Series 953(1):012107. Accessed February 28, 2019. doi: 10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012107.

Stuart-Fox, David J. (2002) Pura Besakih: temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism – The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Adat villages of Bali

Banten Sane Munggah

Balinese culture

Balinese water temples

Bedawang Nala

Besakih Padmasana

Besakih Pedana

Besakih Pemangku

Bhatura Turun Kabeh

Bhuta yadna

Buddhism

Cetho Temple

Dewa Yadna

Lunar cycles

Maturan relationships

Mawinten

Pangamong relationships

Pasupati

Siva Raditya

Sukuh Temple

Village life of Bali

Yadna

Related Websites

http://www.besakihbali.com/

https://www.bali.com/temple_Karangasem_Pura-Besakih_83.html

https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/26/asia/mount-agung-eruption-bali-indonesia/index.html

https://www.volcanodiscovery.com/agung/news/66181/Gunung-Agung-volcano-Bali-Indonesia-eruption-has-begun.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Besakih_Temple

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount_Agung

Article written by: Anna Blackmore (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

Siva Nataraja Bronzes (Origins)

Shiva (Siva) Nataraja: Re-examining the Origins of Nataraja Bronzes

Bronze masterpiece of Siva Nataraja (King of the Dance). 11th century CE, Government Museum, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India.

One of the most recognizable Hindu icons, both inside and outside India, is the standardized depiction of Shiva Nataraja (Shiva king of dance) seen in places as far apart as Chidambaram, Tamil Nadu and the CERN nuclear research center in Geneva, Switzerland. This particular standardization of Shiva Nataraja seems to have arisen under the rule of the Chola queen Sembiyan Mahadevi, as the first fully three dimensional stone carvings in this style appeared during her reign, though questions have been raised about earlier origins (Srinivasan, 434). This standardized form is distinctive and easily recognizable in several ways. First, this particular style of Shiva Nataraja is distinct from not only depictions of other deities, but also other depictions of Shiva as cosmic dancer, by the raised left leg held high across the body at the level of the hip with the foot at knee level (Srinivasan, 433). The supporting right leg, and indeed all the limbs save the lower left arm, are deeply bent giving an appearance of movement paused in a single frame (Kaimal, 392-3). Though held straight, the left arm does faintly bend at the wrist and the hand is held in a relaxed gesture known as gajahasta or “elephant hand” (Kaimal, 393). His lower right hand is held, just above the wrist of the lower left, in abhayamudra, a gesture of fearlessness seen frequently in Indian and Indian-influenced art (Kaimal, 393). The two upper arms hold a damaru drum (right) and a flame (left) (Srinivasan, 433). The foot of the supporting right leg rests on a dwaf, Apasmara, the demon of ignorance (Srinivasan, 433). Finally, in the bronzes, though not in the stone depictions commissioned by queen Sembiyan Mahadevi, Shiva is surrounded by a ring of flames (Srinivasan, 433). The popularity of this image has far outlasted the Chola dynasty, and inspired many speculative interpretations of the iconography present.

Detail of a Siva Nataraja or Natesa (Lord of the Dance) image, with his four arms holding the drum and fire, and displaying the fear-not (abhaya) mudra and the gajahasta (elephant hand) mudra.

Origin of the Image

It is generally accepted that the style of bronze Nataraja we see today originated, or at least rose to prominence, during the reign of queen Sembiyan Mahadevi of the Chola dynasty during the tenth century (Dehejia, 209). Mahadevi was a great patroness of the arts, she commissioned numerous pieces of art and even engaged in the refurbishment of several brick temples, rebuilding them in stone (Dehejia, 209). Mahadevi made the job of archeologists in our own time somewhat easier by re-inscribing previous information about donations and patrons in the temples she refurbished, providing a rich historical record (Dehejia, 209). Notable in regard to the Nataraja image is that it seems to have appeared first in bronzes and stone carvings during her refurbishments (Dehejia, 209). While the similarity of these Nataraja images to present depictions in this style is undeniable, the peculiar raised foot and four armed form being present, doubts have been raised recently about a definitively Chola origin (Srinivasan, 432).

There are certainly examples of images and sculptures which could have contributed to the present Nataraja image exemplified at sites like Chidambaram and CERN, so a pre-Chola origin is not out of the question. One of the earliest possible ancestors of the Chola-era Nataraja is a stone figure from the Harappan civilization, which shares the raised leg posture with the Chola-Nataraja (Dehejia, 32). Granted, a single oddity from a civilization that died thousands of years before the Chola rose is a tenuous connection at best, but Srinivasan points to numerous other examples which may indicate a continuous line of artistic evolution culminating in the Nataraja images we see today.

One of Srinivasan’s suggested precursors is a Satavahana statue, of Shiva as Lakulisa the ascetic, from Andhra Pradesh in southeastern India, the statue is dated to around the first or second century B.C.E. (Srinivasan, 434). What is remarkable about this statue is that, already as early as the first or second century B.C.E., we see the theme of Shiva trampling a dwarf which appears not only in Chola-era Nataraja images but in Pallava depictions as well (Srinivasan, 434).

The Pallava dynasty, in fact, is where Srinivasan asserts that the image of Shiva Nataraja we are familiar with today rose to prominence. Prior to the Chola overthrow of their dynasty around 850 C.E., the Pallavas ruled in the Tamil regions of south India from about 550 C.E., themselves having risen from the older Andhra dynasty (Srinivasan, 434-5). When the Pallava king Mahendravarman Pallavan converted from Jainism to Shaivism a burst of Hindu art in stone was produced (Srinivasan, 435). We can surmise that these stone icons were probably a distinctly Pallava innovation in the Tamil region by inscriptions at Mamallapuram praising Mahendravarman for building in “neither brick, nor timber, nor mortar.” (Srinivasan, 435).

What is interesting about these Pallavan stone icons is that the depictions of Nataraja among them show the four-armed Shiva with the raised leg and dwarf, of which there are no prior examples outside the Tamil region in stone or metal (Srinivasan, 435). Examples of Shiva Nataraja from outside the Pallava-controlled Tamil region show Shiva in the chatura tandava posture with both feet touching the ground and knees splayed outward, as opposed to the bhujangatrasita karana posture in which one leg is raised at hip level across the body which we see in the Chola bronzes (Srinivasan, 435). In addition, the dwarf is not present in any of these chatura tandava examples (srinivasan, 435). The number of arms also differs from the four-armed depictions seen in the Pallava and Chola examples, we see eight arms in Gupta examples from the Sirpur region of central India dating to the fifth century, and sixteen arms in a Chalukyan example from Badami in south-west India dated to the sixth century (Srinivasan, 435).

The earliest clear approximation of the Chola style Nataraja we see is on a Pallava pilaster from a cave temple at Siyamangalam, dated to the seventh century (Srinivasan, 436). This icon stands in the bhujangatrasita karana posture, although with the right leg raised, his lower right hand is in abhaya mudra with his upper right hand holding a lamp or bowl with a flame (Srinivasan, 435-6). This statue does differ additionally from the Chola examples in that its lower left arm extends out away from the body rather than across the body, though it retains the gajahasta gesture (Srinivasan, 435-6). Furthermore, the upper left hand holds an ax and the dwarf is not present under the foot of the supporting leg (Srinivasan, 435-6). This is paralleled in an eighth century cave painting from Ellora in Maharashtra, attributed to the Rashtrakuta dynasty, as well another Pallava stone icon in the Tirukkadaimudi Mahadeva temple in Tirucchinampundi (Srinivasan, 436).

While evidence seems to suggest that, in the cave temples constructed by Mahendravarman stucco and wood images are most likely to have been the norm, a seventh century verse by the poet Appar mentions Shiva’s “sweet golden foot raised in dance”, so we can not rule out bronze processional icons (Srinivasan, 436). In addition, the mention of Shiva holding a drum in the image worshipped at Tillai (now Chidambaram) from the same seventh century verses by Appar seems to indicate that this aspect of the standardized Nataraja icon was already incorporated during the Pallava dynasty (Srinivasan, 436).

Hindu bronzes have not often been attributed to the Pallavas, due largely to a lack of inscriptions on the bronzes themselves, however there is no definite way to date solid metal artifacts with any known method (Srinivasan, 436-8). What we can do, however, is group metal artifacts by shared ore sources based on lead isotope content (Srinivasan, 437). There are some metal artifacts which have been attributed to the Pallavas, for instance a bronze of Shiva dancing in the urdhvajanu pose found in Kuram (Srinivasan, 440). This bronze is attributable to the Pallavas in part because of the forward facing dwarf, as opposed to the sideways facing dwarf in the Chola Natarajas, in addition it shares a metallurgical profile with other artifacts from the reign of Paramesvaravarman Pallavan I (Srinivasan, 440).

This Pallava metallugical profile becomes interesting in regard to two Nataraja bronzes previously attributed to the Chola dynasty, which share the lead isotope content of the Pallava bronzes and the left legged bhujangatrasita karana posture and four armed form of the Chola bronzes, with the hands of each arm bearing the same gestures and implements (Srinivasan, 440). The first, from Kunniyur, differs from Chola images in that it lacks the flying locks of hair found in the Chola bronzes, though the ring of fire is surprisingly present, a date around 850 C.E. is suggested (Srinivasan, 440-1). The second, a small bronze from the British Museum, differs in several ways; the raised leg does not cross the body, the dwarf faces forward, and both the flying locks and circle of flame are not present (Srinivasan, 440-1). This second bronze has been dated to around 800 C.E., making it the oldest known Pallava bronze of Shiva Nataraja (Srinivasana, 440-1). This may indicate that the ring of flame was the latest addition to the Nataraja icon.

It may be that these two Pallava images show an evolution from wood carvings of Shiva Nataraja due to their compactness and lack of flowing locks, both indicative of the limits of wood’s tensile strength, we see these same limits in modern wood carvings of Nataraja (Srinivasan, 440). This may explain the increasingly flared out and circular nature of the icon in Chola times as the tensile strength of bronze was understood to allow for these stylistic changes.

These issues of tensile strength may also indicate that properly three dimensional stone carvings of this style of Nataraja came later than the bronzes and were, in fact, modelled on pre-existing bronzes. We see the emergence of three dimensional stone Natarajas in this style during the reign of Sembiyan Mahadevi, and these images bear the signs of a struggle to represent the style found in the bronzes in a medium with lesser tensile strength (Srinivasan, 441). For instance, in the stone Nataraja from Manavalesvarar temple at Tiruvelvikudi, we see a strut disguised as clothing supporting the lifted leg and crossed left arm to allow for a more expansive image which would make more sense in a bronze casting (Srinivasan, 441-2). The lifted leg of an eleventh century Chola sculpture at the Gangaikondachalapuram temple is propped up by a rough basal strut, while in several other examples the lifted leg is completely broken off (Srinivasan, 442). These struts may even have been inspired by the runners which facilitate lost-wax casting, though they are usually removed from the finished product (Srinivasan, 442). All of this seems to indicate that the style of Nataraja statue attributed to the Chola dynasty was already well developed as such, and likely in bronze, during the Pallava dynasty.

Iconographic Interpretation

An influential, and enduring, interpretation of the Nataraja icon was offered close to one hundred years ago by Ananda Coomaraswamy in “the Dance of Shiva” (Kaimal, 390). While Coomaraswamy’s interpretation is certainly compelling, and likely responsible for the popularity of the Nataraja icon in the west and its interpretation by Western scholars for the last hundred or so years, there is some reason to doubt its accuracy in reflecting the way that the Pallavas and Cholas interpreted this icon when they developed it (Kaimal, 391). Kaimal offers three fairly compelling reasons for questioning Coomaraswamy’s interpretation. First, the question of if it is even possible to properly recover the original meaning of these objects, given the fragmentary evidence from medieval India (Kaimal, 391). Second, Kaimal questions whether a single interpretation is sufficient, noting that objects of art take on different meanings during different times and in fact live multiple symbolic ‘lives’ (Kaimal, 391). Finally, Kaimal draws attention to the fact that Coomaraswamy based his interpretation on texts written several centuries after this style of Nataraja rose to prominence (Kaimal, 391). On this last point, Kaimal also reminds us that there is no simple equivalence between text and sculpture, both mediums have their own “spheres of eloquence” which do not always overlap entirely (Kaimal, 391).

Kaimal is cautious not to completely reject Coomaraswamy’s interpretation however, as it does reflect the significance of the icon to devotees in the thirteenth century and later (Kaimal, 392). While elements of the thirteenth century interpretation could have, and in all likelihood did, derive from earlier interpretations, Kaimal offers three different interpretations which may reflect the meaning of this icon for devotees in the tenth century and possibly earlier (Kaimal, 392). The first interpretation, that Nataraja was used as a kind of emblem of the Chola dynasty is certainly compelling and well argued by Kaimal. Though, while it could serve as the subject of a book in its own right, this interpretation does not tell us much about the symbols within the icon or their origin, which are the primary foci of this paper.

Kaimal’s second interpretation deals with the origin, or synthesis, of this Nataraja icon in Chidambaram (previously Tillai). When Appar wrote about Tillai in the seventh century, it was already an ancient and well established center of many sects, including sects devoted to Vinshnu and the goddess (Kaimal, 391). Kaimal points to earlier interpretations of Nataraja from Tillai which see the tandavam as a dance much more associated with Shiva’s destructive aspects than with the lofty philosophical interpretation of Coomaraswamy (Kaimal, 401).

Many of the less obvious symbols built into the Tamil Nataraja sculptures do indeed point to an association with the destructive aspects of the creative cycle, and many of these symbols appear on depictions of other wrathful aspects of Shiva all over India (Kaimal, 401). For instance, the skull often present in the hair of Nataraja icons and the serpents which encircle his limbs often receive special emphasis in images of Shiva’s destructive aspects, such as the ‘enraged’ face on the giant three-faced Shiva at Elephanta (Kaimal, 402). These often indicate Shiva as Aghora, associated with cremation grounds and destructive ecstasy, as well as drawing an association with similarly adorned goddesses such as Kali, Chamunda, and Nishumbhasudani (Kaimal, 401). These wrathful goddesses also share the characteristics of deeply bent supporting legs and multiple arms splaying out in an explosive and energetic fashion (Kaimal, 402). That these symbols were present in earlier forms of Shiva and other gods/goddesses may indicate that they were redeployed to allow this icon to participate in a symbolic conversation which was already ongoing, and this interpretation would fit nicely with a gradual evolution of the form from the Pallava dynasty through the Chola standardization (Kaimal, 404).

The association with goddesses is interesting in regard to another possible origin of the icon. One of the origin myths laid down in the Chidambaramahatmya, a tenth century text reflecting the Sanskritization of the Tamil cult at Tillai into a pan-Indic cult, tells of a dance competition in which the goddess already resident at Tillai, Tillai Amman, resented Shiva’s encroachment and challenged him to a dance competition (Kaimal, 407). Shiva won the competition by taking a raised leg posture, which modesty prevented the virginal goddess from copying (Kaimal, 407). This loss split the goddess in two, the wrathful virginal aspect retreated to a shrine outside the temple walls, while her benign aspect became Shiva’s wife and remained in the temple where her worship continued. This may reflect an earlier tradition being replaced by, or syncretized into, a more pan-Indic cult rooted in Upanishadic Hinduism rather than the local Tamil culture. This Sanskritization of a local cult may reflect political or social changes brought about as a result of empires growing larger and larger which had to unify disparate belief systems without abolishing them.

Another myth, also presented in the Chidambaramahatmya support the hypothesis that symbols present in the Nataraja icon derive from earlier cults which where absorbed in, and Sanskritized by, the Nataraja cult. The “Pine Forest myth” relates the story of Shiva visiting several sages who were living in a pine forest to punish them for their devotional inadequacies (Kaimal, 406). Shiva arrives in the form of a nude and mirthful ascetic, Bhikshatana, who was sexually irresistible to the wives of the sages, he was accompanied by Vishnu in his female form, Mohini, who proved distracting to the sages themselves (Kaimal, 406). When the sages realized their humiliation they became infuriated and attacked Shiva with various objects which he incorporated into his dance (Kaimal, 406). After incorporating the objects hurled at him by the sages, Shiva’s dance intensified until it encompassed all of creation (Kaimal, 406). As the sages saw this dance they became enlightened by the cosmic proportions of Shiva’s true form and instituted the worship of Shiva in an aniconic form as the linga, which we see carried on at Chidambaram today (Kaimal, 406).

It is the particular items thrown at Shiva, and their incorporation into his dance, which interest us here. The items were: a skull, which Shiva wears in his hair; serpents, which adorn Shiva’s limbs and hair; a dwarf, which he tramples underfoot; a tiger, to which are attributed the shredded appearance of Shiva’s flowing garment; and the fire and drum which we see in Shiva’s two upper arms as well as the flaming ring within which he dances (Kaimal, 406). It certainly is not out of the question to see this legend as a possible reference to earlier Tamil cults, represented by the items, being displaced by and absorbed into the cult of Shiva as a pan-Indic god. This interpretation would further support the idea of a unification of disparate local cults as the empire grew to incorporate, and accommodate, more cultural groups. This is by no means the last word on the origins of the Nataraja icon, but it may indicate that a reappraisal is in order.

Works Cited

Dehejia, Vidya. Indian Art. Phaidon, 2011, London.

Kaimal, Padma. “Shiva Nataraja: Shifting Meanings of an Icon” in The Art Bulletin, 81, 3. College Art Association, 2009, New York.

Srinivasan, Sharada. “Cosmic Dancer: On Pallava Origins for the Nataraja Bronze” in World Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 3. Taylor & Francis, 2004, Abingdon.

Article written by Logan Page (Dec. 2018), who is solely responsible for its content.